THE WRITINGS OF



 THOMAS JEFFERSON





Definitive Edition



CONTAININ G HIS

                         

AUTOBIOGR APHY, NOTES ON VIRGINIA,  PARLIAMEN TARY

 MANUAL, OFFICIAL PAPERS MESSAGES AND ADDRESSES , AND OTHER

WRITINGS, OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE, NOW COLLECTED AND



PUBLISHED IN THEIR ENTIRETY FOR THE FIRST TIME

 INCLUDING



ALL OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIP T, DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTME NT

OF STATE AND PUBLISHED IN 1853 BY ORDER OF THE

JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS

WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRAT IONS

AND

A COMPREHE NSIVE ANALYTICA L INDEX



ALBERT ELLERY BERGH

EDITOR



VOL. VIII.



ISSUED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF 

THE THOMAS JEFFERSON MEMORIAL ASSOCIATI ON

OF THE UNITED STATES

 WASHINGTO N, D. C.

1907 






COPYRIGHT , 1905,



BY 

THE THOMAS JEFFERSON MEMORIAL ASSOCIATI ON 






THE STATUTE FOR ESTABLISH ING

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.











Jefferson was a political philosophe r, and thought far in advance of his time.
And yet he differed in one essential particular from the philosophe rs who do
not live to see the triumph of their ideas. He proclaimed great living truths,
and then he applied those truths to the questions with which he had to deal.
Some have contented themselves with laying down abstract principles, and have
not sought to give them vitality in the present day; but Jefferson not only saw
the future but he saw the present, and we have this great advantage in the
study of the principles of Jefferson, that he gave us those principles embodied
in legislation. I have 'been more and more surprised as I have studied the
questions with which we have to deal, to find that there is no subject with
which our people grapple to-day that he did not consider in principle. Take the
questions that are subjects of controvers y and you will find that he stated
principles and applied principles at that time that apply to the questions at
this time ; and to-day we do not have to go beyond his writings to find 






11     The Statute for Establishin g



principles that will solve aright the problems of today. He saw great
fundamenta l truths, self-eviden t truths, if you please; and I am coming to
believe that there are not only self-eviden t truths 'but that all truth is
self-eviden t-that the best service that a man can render to a truth is to
state it so that it can be understood . Jefferson had the power of statement,
and he stated the truths so that they could be understood . I do not mean to
speak lightly of the work of Jefferson in purchasing the Louisiana territory,
but if that territory had not been bought then it would have been bought
afterward, for it was there, and it was necessary that it should become United
States territory. I cannot believe that the purchase of that land-dull,
inanimate matter-can be compared with the proclamatio n of immortal truth. I
place far above any purchase of acres or square miles, the utterance of those
truths upon which human liberty must rest. Philosophy is above geography.
Jefferson rightly measured his own work when he looked back over a long and
eventful life, and, ignoring the foot-hills of honor, saw only the mountain-p
eaks of service. He gave to us proof that the Bible is right when it fixes
service as the measure of greatness. You will remember that when there was a
controvers y as to which should be greatest in the kingdom of heaven, and the
question was brought to the Master, He said: " Let him who would be chiefest
among you be the servant of all. '' 






           Religious Freedom         iii



  So Jefferson, when he looked back over his life, saw, not the things that he
had received, but the things that he had given to the world ; not the things
men had done for him, but the things he had done for mankind.



  I have been asked to write about the Statute for Establishin g Religious
Freedom, prepared by Thomas Jefferson, and enacted by the State of Virginia in
1786, about eight years after it was drafted. Let me quote you the statute:



  "That the General Assembly do enact that no man shall be compelled to
frequent, or support, any religious worship, place or ministry whatsoever , nor
shall be enforced, restrained, molested, or burthened in his body or goods, nor
shall otherwise suffer, on account of his religious opinions or belief; but
that all men shall be free to profess, and by argument to maintain, their
opinions in matters of religion and that the same shall in no wise diminish,
enlarge, or affect their civil capacities. ''



  The concisenes s of Jefferson's style is well illustrated in this statute.
Read it over. There is not a superfluou s word, and yet there is enough to
guard religious liberty. It is not strange that this doctrine, so well set
forth by Jefferson more than a century ago, is now a part of the Constitutio n
and Bill of Rights of every State of this Union. Not only is that to-day the
law of this land, but it is spreading throughout the world. It was only a short
time ago that the Czar of Russia issued a decree in which he acknowledg ed the
right of all the subjects of his 






iv    The Statute for Establishin g



empire to worship God according to the dictates of their own conscience s, and
I believe that when we come to measure the relative importance of things, the
importance of an act like that, the very foundation upon which we build
religious liberty-the importance of an act like that which, gradually
spreading, has become the creed of eighty millions of people, and is ultimately
to become the creed of all the world-whe n we come to consider the vast
importance of a thing like that, how can we compare lands or earthly possession
s with it?



  In the preamble to this statute Jefferson set forth the main reasons urged by
those who believed in religious freedom. Let me call attention to some of the
more important ones. He said, in the first place, that to attempt to compel
people to accept a religious doctrine, by act of law, was to make, not
Christians but hypocrites. That was one of the reasons, and it was a strong
one. He said, too, that there was no earthly judge who was competent to sit in
a case and try a man for his religious opinions, for the judgment of the court,
he said, would not be a judgment of law, but would be the personal opinion of
the judge. What could be more true? No man who has religious convictions
himself bears them so lightly that he can lay them aside and act as a judge
when another man's religious convictions are involved. Then he suggested- and I
think that I am justified in elaborating upon this suggestion a moment-tha t
religion does not need the support 






           Religious freedom        v



of governmen t to enable it to overcome error. Let me give the exact words of
his report, for I cannot change them without doing injury to them:



 "' And finally that truth is great and will prevail if left to herself; that
she is the proper and sufficient antagonist of error, and has nothing to fear
from the conflict unless, by human interpositio n, disarmed of her natural
weapons-fr ee argument and debate ; errors ceasing to be dangerous when it is
permitted freely to contradict them."



 Tell me that Jefferson lacked reverence for religion ! He rather lacks
reverence who believes that religion is unable to defend herself in a contest
with error. He places a low estimate upon the strength o£ religion, who thinks
that the wisdom of God must be supplement ed by the £force of man's puny arm.



Jefferson paid a tribute to the power o£ truth when he said that truth was able
to overcome error in the open field ; and it was this sublime confidence in the
triumph of truth that distinguish ed him from many of the other great men of
his time. In fact, of all the men who have lived upon this earth I know of no
man who has surpassed Jefferson in his confidence in the ultimate triumph ·of
truth; and upon what can people build if not upon faith in truth? Take from man
his belief in the triumph of that which is right and he builds upon the sand.
Give to man an abiding faith in the triumph of that which is true, and you give
him the foundation of a moral character that can withstand all reverses. 






vi    The Statute for Establishin g



  It was this belief in the triumph of truth that made Jefferson favor free
discussion, not only in religion but in everything ; and one of the virtues of
Jefferson was that he was consistent in applying his principles wherever they
could be applied. I am not one of those who believe that Jefferson was
inconsisten t when he advocated the Louisiana purchase. He was in doubt whether
the language of the Constitution, unamended , was such as to authorize the
purchase of this territory; but never for a moment did he think that there was
anything in the Constitutio n, in its letter or its spirit, to confine the
United States to the original States. When he bought the territory his first
thought was to ask for an amendment to the Constitutio n that would expressly
ratify the act. But when the question was discussed it was found that his act
was so universally approved that it was not considered necessary even to ask
for an amendment. I do not believe that the purchase was inconsisten t with his
principles or utterances. I repeat, that one of the virtues of Jefferson was
that he was consistent in applying his principles, no matter where those
principles led him.



The same doctrine that he applied to Religion he applied to the Press, and I
suppose no American certainly no one who lived before the time of Andrew
Jackson-ev er had more reason than Jefferson to find fault with the untrue
utterances of the Press. Yet, so great was his faith in the triumph of the 






           Religious Freedom         vii



truth, and so willing was he to have error presented if truth could only be
left -free to combat it, that he was opposed to censorship of the Press, and I
believe he gave expression to the strongest eulogy of the Press that any
statesman has ever uttered, when he said that if he must choose between a
governmen t without newspaper s, and newspaper s without a governmen t, he
would prefer to risk the newspaper s without a governmen t. That is, he said
that public opinion would measurably correct things if public opinion was left
free; but that a governmen t with out the free expression of public opinion
would soon become a despotism.



  In the preamble to the Statute for Religious Freedom Jefferson put first that
which I want to speak of last. It was that the regulation of the opinions of
men on religious questions by law was contrary to the laws of God and to the
plans of God. He pointed out that God had it in His power to control man's mind
and body, but that He did not see fit to coerce the mind or the body into
obedience to even the divine will; and that if God Himself was not willing to
use coercion to force man to accept certain religious views, man uninspired and
liable to error ought not to use the means that Jehovah would not employ y.
Jefferson realized that our religion was a religion of love and not a religion
of force.



  There has recently been published a little book called The Jeffersonia n
Bible, and in the fore part of that book there is a letter, written by
Jefferson in 











           Religious Freedom         vii



truth, and so willing was he to have error presented if truth could only be
left free to combat it, that he was opposed to censorship of the Press, and I
believe he gave expression to the strongest eulogy of the Press that any
statesman has ever uttered, when he said that if he must choose between a
governmen t without newspaper s, and newspaper s without a governmen t, he
would prefer to risk the newspaper s without a governmen t. That is, he said
that public opinion would measurably correct things if public opinion was left
free; but that a governmen t with out the free expression of public opinion
would soon become a despotism.



  In the preamble to the Statute for Religious Freedom Jefferson put first that
which I want to speak of last. It was that the regulation of the opinions of
men on religious questions by law was contrary to the laws of God and to the
plans of God. He pointed out that God had it in His power to control man's mind
and body, but that He did not see fit to coerce the mind or the body into
obedience to even the divine will; and that if God Himself was not willing to
use coercion to force man to accept certain religious views, man uninspired and
liable to error ought not to use the means that Jehovah would not employ y.
Jefferson realized that our religion was a religion of love and not a religion
of force.



  There has recently been published a little book called The Jeffersonia n
Bible, and in the fore part



of that book there is a letter, written by Jefferson in 




viii                                                The Statute for Establishin
g



reply to an inquiry, in which he states his estimate of the teachings of Christ
as compared with the philosophie s of other religious teachers, and he pointed
out the superiority of the philosophy of the Nazarene, in that, while other
philosophie s dealt with man 's conduct, Christ 's philosophy purified the
fountain at its source-clea nsed the heart.



  He recognized that our religion is a religion of the heart, that it is
propagated from heart to heart; and he recognized, too, that the heart controls
human life. Jefferson was great in his intellect. I know of no mind that our
Nation has produced that could express itself with more clearness, or with more
logic; but I believe that there was in Jefferson that which was greater than
his head. It was his heart. Greater than his intellect was his love for all
mankind.



  It has been said that it marks an epoch in history when God lets loose a
thinker in the world. God let loose a thinker when Jefferson was born. Carlyle
says that thought is stronger than artillery parks; that thought moulds the
world like soft clay; that it writes and unwrites laws, makes and unmakes
parliaments -and that back of every great thought is love; that love is the
ruling force in the world. I believe it is true. I believe that Jefferson's
greatness rests more upon his love of human kind than upon his intellect-gr eat
as was his intellect, and that he was great because his heart was big enough to
embrace the world. And the people loved him 



            Religious Freedom        ix



" because he first loved them. '' He wanted our religion to rest on the basis
of love and not on the basis of force ; and when we get down to the foundation
of our governmen t, and the foundation of our religion, we find that they alike
rest on the doctrine of human brotherhoo d-on the doctrine "`that all men are
created equal, " " that they are endowed by their creator with certain
inalienable rights, ' 'rights that governmen t did not give, rights that
governmen t cannot take away; that the object of governmen t is to secure to
the individual the enjoyment of his inalienable rights, and that governmen ts
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. But all of these
things rest upon that conception of human brotherhoo d which one cannot have
unless he has the love that is back of every great thought. I believe that,
when Jefferson assisted in establishin g religious freedom, he assisted in
giving to our governmen t its strongest support. Chain the conscience, bind the
heart, and you cannot have for the support of our form of governmen t the
strength and the enthusiasm it deserves. But let conscience be free to commune
with its God, let the heart be free to send forth its love, and the conscience
and the heart will be the best defenders of a governmen t resting upon the
consent of the governed.



  I believe that Jefferson gave a complete theory of governmen t when he gave
us the doctrine of the Declaration of Independe nce, and he gave us the 






 x      The Statute for Establishin g



two great supports of free governmen t when he gave us universal education and
an unfettered conscience. I am glad that the Jefferson Memorial Association is
going to erect a monument to his memory. I say going to erect it, because I
cannot believe that the American people need more than an opportunit y to
contribute to insure their contributio n. I want this monument to be in keeping
with the services of the man. I want it to stand as high as the monuments
erected to warriors. I want it to testify to the world that the heroes of peace
are as great as the heroes of war; that those who save human life are as great
as those who take it, even though they take it in defense of a righteous cause.
I want this monument to testify that a man can live for his country as well as
die for his country.



  But, anxious as I am that the Memorial Association shall erect a monument
worthy of Jefferson, I thank God that Jefferson's memory needs no marble or
bronze to perpetuate it. Erect your monument as high as you can, make it of
material as enduring as you may, time will finally destroy it; the years will
come and go, and at last that monument will disappear; but there is in the
hearts of the people a monument that time cannot touch, and this monument,
growing as the world grows, increasing as civilization increases, is a greater
monument than the hand of man can rear. And as people measure the influence of
Jefferson upon the destinies of the human race, they will be 






           Religious Freedom         xi



convinced that the Bible is true when it says that "it is more blessed to give
than to receive, '' for he gave the largest measure of service that man ever
gave to man.



















                                              Jefferson at Forty-eight

Reproduce d from the Original Painting by Charles Wilson Peale, in the
Collection

of Independe nce Hall, Philadelphia.  Painted while Jefferson was Secretary of
State (1790-1792)

























































CONTENTS.





                                                                               
                                   PAGE

THE STATUTE FOR ESTABLISHING RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.

 By Hon. William Jennings Bryan                        i



LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER RETURNING TO THE UNITED

STATES (1789-1826)                            1-446



To the President of the United States (George

Washington ), December 15, 1789                        1

To the Rev. Charles Clay, Jan. 27, 1790                        3

To the President of the United States, Feb. 14,1790                4 

To John Jay, Feb.14,1790                        5

To John Jay, Feb.14,1790                        5

To William Hunter, Mayor of Alexandria, March,1790                 6

To Thomas Mann Randolph, March 28,1790                        7

To George Joy, March 31 , 1790                        9

To Doctor Willard, April 1, 1 790                        11

To the Marquis de La Fayette, April 2, 1790                        11

To Madame de Corny, April 2, 1790                        13

To Madame la Comtesse D'Houdetot, April 2,  1790                15

To Madame la Duchesse D'Auville, April z, 1790                16

To the Duke de La Rochefouca ult, April 3 ,1790                18

To the Count de Montmorin, April 6, 1790                        19

To William Carmichael, April 11 1790                        21

To Ferdinand Grand, April 23, 1790                        23

To the Marquis de La Luzerrie, April 30, 1790                        25

To William Short, April 30, 1790                        27

To Thomas Mann Randolph, May 30, 1790                        29






xiv           Contents



LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER RETURNING TO THE UNITED STATES (1789-1826) -Continued .

 To William Short, June 6, 1790                        33

 To Colonel George Mason, June 13, 1790                        35

 To David Rittenhous e, June 14, 1790                        37

 To David Rittenhous e, June 20, 1790                        38

 To James Monroe, June 20, 1790                        42.

To John Coffin Jones, June 23, 1790                        45

To C. W. F. Dumas, June 23, 1790                        46

To Robert Leslie, June 27,1790                        48

To Benjamin Vaughan, June 27, 1790                        49 

To Dr. George Gilmer, June 27, 1790                        52 

To Elias Boudinot June 29, 1790                        54 

To David Rittenhous e, June 30, 1790                        55

To William Short, July 1,1790                        56

To Colonel Nicholas Lewis, July 4, 1790                        57

To Edward Rutledge, Esq., July 4,1790                        59

To C. W. F. Dumas, July 13, 1790                        62

To Dr. George Gilmer, July 25,1790                        63

To William Short, July 26, 1790                        65

To William Carmichael, August 2, 1790                        70 

To Louis de Pinto, August 7, 1790                        73

To Joshua Johnson, August 7, 1790                        76 

To William Short, August '10, 1790                        78

To Colonel David Humphreys , August 11, 1790                82

To Gouverneu r Morris, August 12, 1790                        84

To the Attorneys of the United States for the 

Several Districts, August 12, 1790                        86

To Thomas Mann Randolph, August 14,1790                        88

To Governor John Hancock, August 24,1790                        89 

Circular to the Consuls and Vice-Consuls of the 

United States, August 26, 1790                        91

To William Short, August 26, 1790                        94

 To the Secretary of War (Henry Knox), August  26,1790                99 






               Contents             xv



LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER RETURNING TO THE UNITED STATES  (1789- 1826)-Continued.  
                                                                    PAGE 

To Monsieur La Forest, August 30, 1790                        101 

To John Bondfield, August 31, 1790                        103 

To José Ignacio de Viar, October 27, 1790                        104 

To the President of the United States, October 27,1790                104 

To Frederick Kinloch, November 26, 1790                        106 

To Gouverneu r Morris, November 26, 1790                        107

 To Count de Moustier, December 3, 1790                        109

 To Noah Webster, at Hartford, Dec.4, 1790                        111

 To Gouverneu r Morris, December I 7, I 1790                        115

 To Joshua Johnson, December 17,  1790                        117

 To Joshua Johnson, Dec. 23, 1790                        120 

To Alexander Hamilton, December 29, 1790                        121

 To William Short, Jan. 23, 1790                        122

 To Colonel George Mason, February 4, 1790                        123

 To Charles Hellstedt, Swedish Consul, Feb. 14,                126

 To Ebenezer Hazard, Feb. 18, 1791                        127

 To ----- ,------- Feb. 19, 1791                        128

 To Governor John Hancock, Feb.20, 1791                        131

 To Monsieur de Pinto, Feb. 21, 1791                        132

 To Philip Freneau, Feb.28, 1791                        133 

To the Count de Moustier, March 2, 1790                        134

 To Harry Innes, March 7, 1790                        135

 To the President of the National Assembly of France, March 8, 1790            
   137 

To Governor Quesada (Governor of Florida), March 10, 1790                138

To the Secretary of the Treasury (Alexander Hamilton), March 12, 1790       
139

To Major Peter Charles L'Enfant, March -, 1791                140

To William Carmichael, March 12, 1791                        141

To William Short, March 12, 1790                        143 






xvi            Contents



LETTERS  WRITTEN AFTER RETURNING TO THE UNITED 

STATES (1789-1826)-Continued                                                   
                               PAGE To Colonel James Innes, March 13, 1791     
          145 

To William Short, March 15, 1791                        146

To William Short, March 19, 1791                        149

To Dr. Caspar Wistar, March 20, 1791                        151

To Alexander Martin (Governor of North Carolina), Mar. 26, 1790               
152 

To the President of the United States, March 27, 1790                153 

To William Lewis, March 31, 1791                        156

To the President of the United States,·April 2, 1790                157

To Major Peter Charles L'Enfant, April lo, 1790                162

To the President of the United States, April 10, 1791                163 

Extract of a letter from William Short to Thomas

Jefferson, Secretary of State, dated Amsterdam, January 24, 1790               
166 

To William Carmichael, April II, 1791                        174

To Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, April 15, 1791                177

To the President of the United States, April 17, 1791                178

To the President of the United States, April 24, 1791                182

To William Short, April 25, 1791                        185

To the President of the United States, May I, 1791                189 

To the Attorney of the District of Kentucky, May 7, 1791                191

To the President of the United States, May 8, 1791                192

To Jeremiah Wadsworth, May 11, 1791                        195 

To C. W. F. Dumas, May 13, 1791                        196

To Thomas Barclay, May 13, 1791                        199 






 Xvii              Contents



LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER RETURNING TO THE UNITED STATES (1789-1826) -Continued .  
                                                                        PAGE

Letter from the President to the Emperor of Morocco,

 referred to in the letter to Mr. Barclay                        202

To Thomas Mann Randolph, June 5, 1791                        204

To Colonel James Monroe, July Io, 1791                        206

 To Colonel David Humphreys , July 13, 1791                        209

 To John Adams, July 17,, 1791                        212

 To Gouverneu r Morris, July 26, 1791                        215

 To William Short, July 28, 1791                        216

 To Thomas Paine, July 29, 1791                        223

 To the President of the United States, July 31,1791                225

 To General Henry Knox, August Io, 1791                        226

 To Colonel John Harvie, August 14, 1791                        228 

To William Carmichael, August 24, 1791                        229

 To Sir John Sinclair, August 24, 1791                        230

 To Edward Rutledge, August 25, 1791                        232

 To Messrs. Johnson, Stuart and Carroll, August 28, 1791                234 

To William Short, August 29,.1791                        236

To Monsieur de La Motte, August 30, 1791                        238

To Gouverneu r Morris, August 30, 1791                        240

To Benjamin Banneker, August 30, 1791                        241

To John Adams, August 30, 1791                        242

To Admiral Paul Jones, August 31, 1791                        245

To Monsieur de Ternant, Minister Plenipotentiary 

of France, September I, 1791                        246 

To Thomas Newton, September 8, 1791                        247

 To George Hammond, Oct.26, 1791                        249

 To James Madison, Nov. I, 1791                        250 

To the President of the United States,  Nov.6, 1791                251

 To Major Thomas Pinckney, Nov.6, 1791                        252

 To the President of the United States, Nov.7, 1791                253 




xviii           Contents



LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER RETURNING TO THE UNITED STATES             ( 1789-
1826)-Continued                                                                
             PAGE 

To Messrs. Johnson, Stuart and Carroll, Nov: 21, 1791                256 

To Andrew Ellicott, Nov.2 1, 1791                        257

 To William Short, Nov.24, 1791                        257

 To Colonel David Humphreys , Nov.29, 1791                        264

 To Daniel Smith, Nov. 29, 1791                        266

 To the Attorney General (Edmund Randolph), Dec.5, 1791                266

 The Memorial of the British Minister                        267 

To A. McAlister, Dec. 22, 1791                        274

 To Archibald Stuart, Dec.23, 1791                        275

 To the President of the United States, Dec.23, 1791                278

 To the President of the United States,.Jan. ..4, 1791                282

 To William Short, Jan.5, 1791                        283

 To Thomas Pinckney, Jan. 17, 1791                        285

 To William Short, Jan. 23, 1791                        286 

To Gouverneu r Morris, Jan. 23, 1791                        290

 To Monsieur de Montmorin, Jan.23, 1792                        294

 To Don José de Jaudenes and Don José Ignacio de Viar, Jan.25, 1792        295 

To William Short, Jan. 28, 1791                        296 

To Colonel Alexander Hamilton, February -, 1791                298

 To the British Minister (George Hammond), Feb. 2, 1791                299

 To the President of the United States, Feb.4, 1791                300

 To the President of the United States, Feb.7, 1791                304 

To the British Minister .(George Hammond),. February 25, 1791               
306 








xix                                    Contents



LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER RETURNING To THE UNITED STATES (1789-1826) -Continued .  
                                                                          PAGE 

To Messrs. Johnson, Carroll and Stuart, March 6, 1792                 307

To Gouverneu r Morris, M arch 10, 1792                        310

To William Carmichael and William Short, March 18, 1791                313

To William Short, March 18,1792                        314

To William Short, March 18, 1792                        315

To José Ignacio de Viar and José de Jaudenes; March 23, 1792                
318

To Colonel Pickering, March 28,1792

To George Hammond, March 31,1792                        320

To Charles Pinckney (Governor of South Carolina), April 1, 1792               
321 

To the Commission ers of Washington , April 9, 1792                322

To Colonel Nicholas Lewis, April 12,1792                        324 

To the President of the United States, April 1792                325

To William Carmichael and William Short, April 4, 1792                326

To Gouverneu r Morris, April 28,1792                        334

To the President of the United States, May 16, 1792                337

To José Ignacio de Viar and José de Jaudenes, May 17, 1791                338

To the President of the United States, May 18, 1792                340

To the President of the United States, May 23, 1791                341

Circular to the American Consuls, May 31,1792                350 

To John Paul Jones, June 1, 1792                        353

To James Madison, June 4, 1792                        364 

To Thomas Barclay, June 11,1792                        366 






xx              Contents



LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER RETURNING TO THE UNITED STATES (1789-1826) -Continued .

 To Thomas Pinckney, June 11, 1792                        368

 To Thomas Pinckney, June 11,1792                        374 

To Thomas Pinckney, June 14, 1791                        375 

To Gouverneu r Morris, June 16, 1792                        378

 To the Marquis de La Fayette, June 16, 1792                        380

 To Joel Barlow, June 20, 1792                        382

 To Peter Carr, June 22, 1791                        383

 To F. P. Van Berckel, July 2,1792                        385

 To His Excellency the Governor of Georgia (Edward Telfair),

 July 3,1792                                387

 To José Ignacio de Viar and José de Jaudenes, July 9,1792                388

 To Colonel David Humphreys , July 12,1792                        389

 To General Henry Lee (Governor of Virginia), August 13,1792                390

 To Charles Godfrey Paleske, August 19, 1792                        391

 To the Minister Plenipotent iary of France (Jean de Ternant),Aug. 27, 1792    
   393

 To the President of the United States, Sept. 9, 1791                394 

To Archibald Stuart, Sept. 9,1792                        409 

To Charles Clay, Sept.11, 1792                        410 

To Edmund Randolph, Sept.17, 1792

To the President of the United States, Sept. 18, 1792                412

 To Charles C. Pinckney, Oct.8,1792                        412

 To Thomas Pinckney, Oct.12,1792                        414 

To William Carmichael and William Short, Oct. 14,1792                416

 To Gouverneur Morris, Oct.15, 1792                        419

 To Jean de Ternant, Oct. 16,1792                        421

 To José Ignacio de Viar and José de Jaudenes,

 Commission ers of Spain, Nov.1, 1792                        422

 To the President of the United States, Nov. 2, 1792                423 






               Contents             xxi



 LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER RETURNING TO THE UNITED

STATES (1789-1826) -Continued                                                  
              Page.



To William Carmichael and William Short, Nov. 3,1792                425

To the President of the United States, Nov. 3, 1792                427

To the Mayor, Municipal Officers and Procureur

of the Community of Marseilles, Nov. 6,1792                        433

To Colonel David Humphreys , Nov. 6, 1792                        434

To Gouverneu r Morris, Nov. 7, 1792                        436

To Colonel David Humphreys , Nov. 8,1792                        438

To T. M. Randolph, Jr., Nov. 16, 1792                        439

To Jean de Ternant, Nov. 20, 1792                        440

To Thomas Pinckney, Dec. 3, 1792                        443

To Dr. George Gilmer, Dec. 11, 1792                        444

To John Francis Mercer, Dec. 19, 1792                        445


















JEFFERSON 'S WORKS.



LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN

TO THE UNITED STATES.

1789-1826.

________



TO THE PRESIDENT .



CHESTERFIELD, December 15, 1789.



SIR,-I have received at this place the honor of your letters of October the
13th and November the 30th, and am truly flattered by your nomination of me to
the very dignified office of Secretary of State; for which, permit me here to
return you my humble thanks. Could any circumstan ce seduce me to overlook the
disproporti on between its duties and my talents, it would be the encourage
ment of your choice. But when I contemplat e the extent of that office,
embracing as it does the principal mass of domestic administrat ion, together
with the foreign, I cannot be insensible of my inequality to it ; and I should
enter on it with gloomy foreboding s from the criticisms and censures of a
public, just indeed in their intentions,. but sometimes



  VOL. VIII-I 






  2         Jefferson's Works



misinforme d and misled, and always too respectable to be neglected. I cannot
but foresee the possibility that this may end disagreeabl y for me, who, having
no motive to public service but the public satisfaction , would certainly
retire the moment that satisfaction should appear to languish. On the other
hand, I feel a degree of familiarity with the duties of my present office, as
far at least as I am capable of understand ing its duties. The ground I have
already passed over, enables me to see my way into that which is before me. The
change of governmen t too, taking place in a country where it is exercised,
seems to open a possibility of procuring from the new rulers, some new
advantages in commerce, which may be agreeable to our countryme n. So that as
far as my fears, my hopes, or my inclinations might enter into this question, I
confess they would not lead me to prefer a change.



  But it is not for an individual to choose his post. You are to marshal us as
may best be for the public good ; and it is only in the case of its being
indifferent to you, that I would avail myself of the option you have so kindly
offered in your letter. If you think it better to transfer me to another post,
my inclination must be no obstacle; nor shall it be, if there is any desire to
suppress the office I now hold, or to reduce its grade. In either of these
cases, be so good only as to signify to me by another line your ultimate wish,
and I shall conform to it cordially. If it should be to remain at New York, my 






             Correspond ence           3



chief comfort will be to work under your eye, my only shelter the authority of
your name, and the wisdom of measures to be dictated by you and implicitly
executed by me. Whatever you may be pleased to decide, I do not see that the
matters which have called me hither, will permit me to shorten the stay I
originally asked; that is to say, to set out on my journey northward till the
month of March. As early as possible in that month, I shall have the honor of
paying my respects to you in New York. In the meantime, I have that of
tendering you the homage of those sentiments of respectful attachment with
which I am, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.







         TO THE REV. CHARLES CLAY.



             MONTICELL O, January 27, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-I had hoped that during my stay here I could have had the pleasure
of seeing you in Bedford, but I find it will be too short for that. Besides
views of business in that country, I had wished again to visit that greatest of
our curiosities, the Natural Bridge, and did not know but you might have the
same desire. I do not know yet how I am to be disposed of, whether kept at New
York, or sent back to Europe. If the former, one of my happiness would be the
possibility of seeing you there ; for I understand you are a candidate for the
representa tion of your district in Congress. 






    4            Jefferson's Works



I cannot be with you to give you my vote, nor do I know who are to be the
competitors , but I am sure I shall be contented with such a representa tive as
you will make ; because I know you are too honest a patriot not to wish to see
our country prosper by any means, though they be not exactly those you would
have preferred; and that you are too well informed a politician, too good a
judge of men, not to know, that the ground of liberty is to be gained by
inches, that we must be contented to secure what we can get, from time to time,
and eternally press forward for what is yet to get. It takes time to persuade
men to do even what is for their own good. Wishing you every prosperity in
this, and in all your other undertakin gs (for I am sure from my knowledge of
you they Will always be just), I am, with sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir,
your friend and servant.











    TO · PRESIDENT WASHINGTO N.



            MONTICELL O, February 14, 1790.



  SIR,-I have duly received the letter of the 21st of January With which you
have honored me, and. no longer hesitate to undertake the office to which you
are pleased to call me. Your desire e that I should come on as quickly as
possible, is a sufficient reason for me to postpone every matter of business,
however pressing, which admits postponeme nt. Still, it will. be the close of
the ensuing week before I can 






             Correspond ence           5



get away, and then I shall have to go by the way of Richmond, which will
lengthen my road. I shall not fail, however, to go on with all the despatch
possible, nor to satisfy you, I hope, when I shall have the honor of seeing you
in New York, that the circumstan ces which prevent my immediate departure, are
not under my control. I have now that of being, with sentiments of the most
perfect respect and attachment, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.







   TO JOHN JAY, CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED



           STATES.



            MONTICELL O, February 14, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-I am honored with your favor of December 12, and thank you for your
friendly congratulat ions on my return to my native country, as well as for the
interest you are pleased to express in the appointmen t with which I have been
honored. I have thought it my duty to undertake it, though with no prepossess
ions in favor of my talents for executing it to the satisfaction of the public.
With respect to the young gentlemen in the office of foreign affairs, their
possession and your recommend ation are the strongest titles. But I suppose the
ordinance establishin g my office, allows but one assistant ; and I should be
wanting in candor to you and them, were I not to tell you that another
candidate has been proposed to me, on ground that can






  6          Jefferson's Works



not but command respect. I know neither him nor them, and my hope is, that, as
but one can be named, the object is too small to occasion either mortificatio n
or disappoint ment to either. I am sure I shall feel more pain at not being
able to avail myself of the assistance but of one of the gentlemen, than they
will at the betaking themselves to some better pursuit. I ask it of your
friendship, my dear Sir, to make them sensible of my situation, and to accept
yourself assurances of the sincere esteem and respect with which I have the
honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.







  TO WM. HUNTER, ESQ., MAYOR OF ALEXANDRI A.



              ALEXANDRI A, March I I, I 790.



  SIR,-Accep t my sincere thanks for yourself and the worthy citizens of
Alexandria, for their kind congratulat ions on my return to my native country.



  I am happy they have felt benefits from the encourage ment of our commerce,
which have been given by an allied nation. But truth and candor oblige me, at
the same time, to declare, .you are indebted for these encourage ments solely
to the friendly disposition s of that nation, which has shown itself ready on
every occasion to adopt all arrangeme nts which might strengthen our ties of
mutual interest and friendship.



  Convinced that the republican is the only form 






            Correspond ence            7



of governmen t which is not eternally at open or secret war with the rights of
mankind, my prayers and efforts shall be cordially distributed to the support
of that we have so happily established . It is indeed an animating thought,
that while we are securing the rights of ourselves and our posterity, we are
pointing out the way to struggling nations, who wish like us to emerge from
their tyrannies also. Heaven help their struggles, and lead them, as it has
done us, triumphant ly through them.



  Accept, Sir, for yourself and the citizens of Alexandria, the homage of my
thanks for their civilities, and the assurance of those sentiments of respect
and attachment with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.







            TO T. M. RANDOLPH.



               New York, March 28, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-I arrived here on the 21st instant, after as laborious a journey of
a fortnight from Richmond as I ever went through ; resting only one day at
Alexandria, and another at Baltimore. I found my carriage and horses at
Alexandria, but a snow of eighteen inches deep falling the same night, I saw
the impossibilit y of getting on in my own carriage, so left it there, to be
sent to me by water, and had my horses led on to this place, taking my passage
in the stage, though relieving myself a little sometimes by mounting my horse.
The roads through 






8            Jefferson's Works



the whole way were so bad that we could never go more than three miles an hour,
sometimes not more than two, and in the night but one. My first object was to
look out a house in the Broadway, if possible, as being the centre of my
business. Finding none there vacant for the present, I have taken a small one
in Maiden Lane, which may give me time to look about me. Much business had been
put by for my arrival, so that I found myself all at once involved under an
accumulatio n of it. When this shall be got through, I will be able to judge
whether the ordinary business of my department will leave me any leisure. I
fear there will be little.



  Letters from Paris to the 25th of December; inform me that the revolution
there was still advancing with a steady pace. There had been two riots since my
departure. The one on the 5th and 6th of October, which occasioned the royal
family to remove to Paris, in which nine or ten of the Gardes de Corps fell,
and among these a Chevalier de Daricourt, brother of Madame de La Dillatte, and
of Mademoisell e Daricourt friend. The second was on the 21st of the same
month, in which a baker had been hung by the mob. On this occasion, the
governmen t (I. e. the National Assembly) proclaimed Martial Law in Paris, and
had two of the ringleaders of the mob seized, tried, and hung, which was
effected without any movement on the part of the people. Others were still to
be tried. The troubles in Brabant become serious. The insurgents






  9           Correspond ence



gents have routed the regular troops in every rencounter .



  Congress is principally occupied by the treasury report. The assumption of
the State debts has been voted affirmativel y in the first instance, but it is
not certain it will hold its ground through all the changes of the bill when it
shall be brought in. I have recommend ed Mr. D. R. to the President for the
office he desired, in case of a vacancy. It seemed, however, as if the
President had had no intimation before, that a vacancy was expected. ** * * *  
Yours affectionat ely.







             TO GEORGE JOY.



              NEW York, March 31, 1790.



  SIR,-I have considered your application for sea letters for the ship Eliza,
and examined into the precedents which you supposed might influence the
determinati on. The resolution of Congress, which imposes this duty on the
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, provides expressly, "that it be made to appear
to him by oath or affirmation, or by such other evidence as shall by him be
deemed satisfactor y, that the vessel is commanded by officers, citizens of the
United States. '' Your affidavit satisfies me that one of the officers is a
citizen of the United States; but you are unacquaint ed with the others and
without evidence as to them, and even without a presumptio n that they are
citizens, except so far 






10          Jefferson's Works .



as arises on the circumstan ces of the captain's being an American, and the
ship sailing from an American port. Now, I cannot in my conscience say, that
this is evidence of the fact, satisfactor y to my mind. The precedents of
relaxation by Mr. Jay, were all between the date of the resolution of Congress
(February the 12th, 1788) and his public advertisem ent, announcing the
evidence which must be produced. Since this last, the proceeding s have
been·unifo rm and exact. Having perfect confidence in your good faith, and
therefore without a suspicion of any fraud intended in the present case, I
could have wished sincerely to grant the sea letter; but besides the letter of
the law which ties me down, the public security against a partial dispensatio n
of justice, depends on its being dispensed by certain rules. The slightest
deviation in one circumstan ce, becomes a precedent for another, that for a
third, and so on, without bounds. A relaxation in a case where it is certain no
fraud is intended, is laid hold of by others, afterwards, to cover fraud. I
hope, therefore, you will be sensible of the necessity of my adhering to the
rules which have been published and practiced by my predecesso r ; and that I
am with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.





11            Correspond ence





      TO DOCTOR WILLARD.



                NEW York, April 1, 1790.



  I have duly received the letter wherein you are so good as to notify to me
the honor done me by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, in electing me
one of their members, together with the diploma therein enclosed; and I beg
leave through you, Sir, to return to the Academy the homage of my thanks for
their favor, and to express to them the grateful sense I have of it. I only
regret the small prospect I have of being useful to them, engaged as I
continually am in occupation s less pleasing to me, and which would be better
performed by others. Unacquaint ed with the duties which the election into your
Academy imposes on me, I can only express my desire of fulfilling them on their
being made to me.



  Mr. Read has explained to me his drawings and models. They prove that he
merits the character you are pleased to give of him. He waits at present the
passage of a law for securing to inventors the benefit of their own ingenuity.
I have the honor to be, with the most respectful esteem, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.







       TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE .



                NEW York, April 2, 1790.



  Behold me, my dear friend, elected Secretary of State, instead of returning
to the far more agreeable 






I 2          Jefferson's Works



position which placed me in the daily participatio n of your friendship. I
found the appointmen t in the newspaper s the day of my arrival in Virginia. I
had indeed been asked while in France, whether I would accept of any appointmen
t at home, and I had answered that, not meaning to remain long where I was, I
meant it to be the last office I should ever act in. Unfortunat ely this letter
had not arrived at the time of arranging the new Governmen t. I expressed
freely to the President my desire to return. He left me free, but still showing
his own desire. This, and the concern of others, more general than I had a
right to expect, induced, after three months parleying, to sacrifice my own
inclinations . I have been here, then, ten days harnessed in new gear. Wherever
I am, or ever shall be, I shall be sincere in my friendship to you and to your
nation. I think with others, that nations are to be governed with regard to
their own interests, but I am convinced that it is their interest, in the long
run, to be grateful, faithful to their engagemen ts, even in the worst of
circumstan ces, and honorable and generous always. If I had not known that the
head of our governmen t was in these sentiments, and that his national and
private ethics were the same, I would never have been where I am. I am sorry to
tell you his health is less firm than it used to be. However, there is nothing
in it to give alarm. The opposition to our new Constitutio n has almost totally
disappeare d. Some few indeed had gone such lengths in 






  13                    Correspond ence



their declaration s of hostility; that they feel it awkward perhaps to come
over; but the amendment s proposed by Congress, have brought over almost all
their followers. If the President can be preserved a few years till habits of
authority and obedience can be established generally, we have nothing to fear.
The little vautrien, Rhode Island, will come over with a little more time. Our
last news from Paris is of the 8th of January. So far it seemed that your
revolution had got along with a steady peace ; meeting indeed occasional
difficulties and dangers, but we are not to expect to be translated from
despotism to liberty in a feather-be d. I have never feared for the ultimate
result, though I have feared for you personally. Indeed, I hope you will never
see such another 5th or 6th of October. Take care of yourself, my dear friend,
for though I think your nation would in any event work out her salvation, I am
persuaded, were she to lose you, it would cost her oceans of blood, and years
of confusion and anarchy. Kiss and bless your dear children for me. Learn them
to be as you are, a cement between our two nations. I write to Madame de
LaFayette, so have only to add assurances of the respect of your affectionat e
friend and humble servant.







             MADAME DE CORNY.



                 NEW York, April 2, 1790.

  I had the happiness, my dear friend, to arrive in Virginia, after a voyage of
twenty-six days only, of 






14            Jefferson's Works



the finest autumn weather it was possible to have; the wind having never blown
harder than we would have desired it. On my arrival I found my name in the
newspaper s announced as Secretary of State. I made light of it, supposing I
had only to say " No, " and there would be an end of it. It turned out,
however, otherwise. For though I was left free to return to France, if I
insisted on it, yet I found it better in the end to sacrifice my own
inclinations to those of others. After holding off, therefore, near three
months, I acquiesced. I did not write to you while this question was in
suspense, because I was in constant hope of being able to say to you certainly
that I should return. Instead of that, I am now to say certainly the contrary,
and instead of greeting you personally in Paris, I am to write you a letter of
adieu. Accept, then, my dear Madam, my cordial adieu, and my grateful thanks
for all the civilities and kindnesses I have received from you. They have been
greatly more than I had a right to expect, and they have excited in me a warmth
of esteem which it was imprudent in me to have given way to for a person whom I
was one day to be separated from. Since it is so, continue towards me those
friendly sentiments I have always flattered myself you entertained ; let me
hear from you sometimes, assured that I shall always feel a warm interest in
your happiness. Your letter of November 25 afflicts me; but I hope that a
revolution so pregnant with the general happiness of the nation, will not in
the 






            Correspond ence           15



end injure the interests of persons who are so friendly to the general good of
mankind as yourself and M. de Corny. Present to him my most affectionat e
esteem, and ask a place for me in his recollection . * * Your affectionat e
friend and humble servant.



      MADAME LA COMTESSE D'HOUDET OT.



                NEW York, April 2, 1790.



  Being called by our Governmen t to assist in its domestic administrat ion,
instead of paying my respects to you in person as I had hoped, I am to write
you a letter of adieu. Accept, I pray you, Madam, my grateful acknowledg ments
for the manifold kindnesses by which you added so much to the happiness of my
stay in Paris. I have found here a philosophic revolution, philosophic ally
effected. Yours, though a little more turbulent, has, I hope by this time,
issued in success and peace. Nobody prays for it more sincerely than I do, and
nobody will do more to cherish a union with a nation, dear to us through many
ties, and now more approximat ed by the change in its governmen t.



  I found our friend Doctor Franklin in his bed cheerful and free from pain,
but still in his bed. He took a lively interest in the details I gave him of
your revolution. I observed his face often flushed in the course of it. He is
much emaciated. Monsieur de Crevecoeur is well, but a little apprehensi ve that
the spirit of reforming and economizing may reach his 






16                Jefferson's Works



office. A good man will suffer if it does. Permit me, Madame la Comtesse, to
place here my sincere respects to Monsieur le Comte Houdetot and to Monsieur de
St. Lambert. The philosophy of the latter will have been greatly gratified to
see a regeneratio n of the condition of man in Europe so happily begun in his
own country. Repeating to you, Madam, my sense of your goodness to me, and my
wishes to prove it on every occasion, adding my sincere prayers that Heaven may
bless you with many years of life and health, I pray you to accept here the
homage of those sentiments of respect and attachment with which I have the
honor to be, Madame la Comtesse, your most obedient, and most humble servant.







     TO MADAME LA DUCHESSE D'AUVILLE .



                  NEW York, April 2, 1790.



  I had hoped, Madame la Duchesse, to have again had the pleasure of paying my
respects to you in Paris, but the wish of our Governmen t that I should take a
share in its administrat ion, has become a law to me. Could I have persuaded
myself that public offices were made for private convenienc e, I should
undoubtedl y have preferred a continuanc e in that which placed me nearer to
you ; but believing, on the contrary, that a good citizen should take his stand
where the public authority marshals him, I have acquiesced. Among the
circumstan ces which will reconcile me to my new position, are the opportuniti
es






                                   Correspond ence          17



ties it will give me of cementing the friendship between our two nations. Be
assured, that to do this is the first wish of my heart. I have but one system
of ethics for men and for nations-to be grateful, to be faithful to all
engagemen ts under all circumstan ces, to be open and generous, promoting in
the long run even the interests of both ; and I am sure it promotes their
happiness. The change in your governmen t w ill approximat e us to one another.
You have had some checks, some horrors since I left you; but the way to Heaven,
you know, has always been said to be strewed with thorns. Why your nation have
had fewer than any other on earth, I do not know, unless it be that it is the
best on earth. I assure you, Madam, moreover, that·I consider yourself
personally as with the foremost of your nation in every virtue. It is not
flattery, my heart knows not that  it is a homage to sacred truth, it is a
tribute I pay with cordiality to a character in which I saw but one error; it
was that of treating me with a degree of favor I did not merit. Be assured I
shall always retain a lively sense of your goodness to me, which was a
circumstan ce of principal happiness to me during my stay in Paris. I hope that
by this time you have seen that my prognostic ations of a successful issue to
your revolution, have been verified. I feared for you during a short interval;
but after the declaration of the army, though there might be episodes of
distress, the denouemen ts was out of doubt. Heaven send that the glorious
example of



   VOL. VIII-2 






18                                   Jefferson's Works



your country may be but the beginning of the history of European liberty, and
that you may live many years in health and happiness to see at length that
Heaven did not make man in its wrath. Accept the homage of those sentiments of
sincere and respectful esteem with which I have the honor to be, Madame la
Duchesse, your most affectionat e and obedient humble servant.





     TO THE DUKE DE LA ROCHEFOU CAULT.



                 NEW York, April 3, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-A call to take a part in the domestic administrat ion of our
Governmen t, obliges me to abandon the expectation of paying my respects to you
in person, in Paris. Though removed to a greater distance in future, and
deprived of the pleasure and advantages of your conversatio n and society,
which contribute d so much to render my residence in Paris agreeable, I shall
not be the less anxious for your health and happiness, and for the prosperous
issue· of the great revolution in which you have taken so zealous and
distinguish ed a part. By this time I hope it is happily concluded, and that
the new constitutio n, after receiving the finishing hand from the National
Assembly, is now putting into regular motion by the convocatio n of a new
legislature. I find my countryme n as anxious for your success as they ought to
be; and thinking with the National Assembly in all points except that of a
single house 






            Correspond ence           19



of legislation. They think their own experience has so decidedly proved the
necessity of two Houses to prevent the tyranny of one, that they fear that this
single error will shipwreck your new constitutio n. I am myself persuaded that
theory and practice are not at variance in this instance, and that you will
find it necessary hereafter to add another branch. But I presume you provide a
facility of amending your constitutio n, and perhaps the necessity may be
altogether removed by a council of revision well constituted .



  Accept, Sir, my sincere thanks for all your kindnesses , permit me to place
here those which I owe to Madame la Duchesse de La Rochefouca ult, and which I
render with the greatest cordiality. Were her system of ethics and of governmen
t the system of every one, we should have no occasion for governmen t at all. I
hope you will both live long years of health and happiness to see in full
ripeness the fruit of your own revolution, and also that which. seems
blossoming in other parts of Europe. Accept, both, the homage of that
affectionat e and respectful attachment with which I have the honor to be your
most obedient, and most humble servant.







        TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN .



                 NEW York, April 6, 1790.



  SIR,-The President of the United States having thought proper to assign to me
other functions than those of their Minister PLENIPOTE NTIARY near the King, 






20          Jefferson's Works



I have the honor of addressing to your Excellency my letters of recall, and of
beseeching you to be so good as to present them, with the homage of my
respectful adieus, to his Majesty.



  It is with great satisfaction that I find myself authorized to conclude, as I
had begun my mission, with assurances of the attachment of our governmen t to
the King and his people, and of its desire to preserve and strengthen the
harmony and good understand ing, which has hitherto so happily subsisted
between the two nations.



  Give me leave to place here, also, my acknowledg ments to your Excellency,
personally, for the facilities you have been pleased always to give in the
negotiation of the several matters I have had occasion to treat with you,
during my residence at your court. They were ever such as to evince, that the
friendly disposition s towards our republic which you manifested even from its
birth, were still found consistent with that patriotism of which you have
continued to give such constant and disinterest ed proofs. May this union of
interests forever be the patriot's creed in both countries. Accept my sincere
prayers that the King, with life and health, may be long blessed with so
faithful and able a servant, and you with a Prince, the model of royal
excellence; and permit me to retain to my latest hours, those sentiments of
affectionat e respect and attachment, with which I have the honor to be, your
Excellency' s most obedient, and most humble servant. 






             Correspond ence                                          21





     TO WILLIAM CARMICHAE L.



          New York, April 11, 1790.



  SIR,-A vessel being about to sail from this port for Cadiz, I avail myself of
it to inform you, that under the appointmen t of the President of the United
States, I have entered on the duties of Secretary of State, comprehen ding the
department of Foreign Affairs.



  Mr. Jay's letter of October the 2d, acknowledg ed the receipt of the last of
yours which have come to hand. Since that date he wrote you on the 7th of
December, enclosing a letter for Mr. Chiappe.



  The receipt of his letter of September the 9th, 1788, having never been
acknowledg ed, the contents of which were important and an answer wished for, I
send you herewith a duplicate, lest it should have miscarried.



  You will also receive herewith, a letter of credence for yourself, to be
delivered to the Count de Florida Blanca, after putting thereon the proper
address, with which I am unacquaint ed. A copy of it I: enclosed for your
information .



I beg leave to recommend the case of Don Blas Gonzalez to your good offices
with the court of Spain, enclosing you the documents necessary for its
illustration . You will perceive, that two vessels were sent from Boston in the
year 1787, on a voyage of discovery and commercial experiment in general, but
more particularl y to try a fur trade with the 






22          Jefferson's Works



Russian settlements , on the northwest coast of our continent, of which such
wonders had been published in Captain Cook's voyages, that it excited similar
expeditions from other countries also; and that the American vessels were
expressly forbidden to touch at any Spanish port, but in cases of extreme
distress. Accordingl y, through the whole of their voyage through the extensive
latitudes held by that crown, they never put into any port but in a single
instance. In passing near the island of Juan Fernandez, one of them was damaged
by a storm, her rudder broken, her masts disabled, and herself separated from
her companion. She put into the island to refit, and at the same time, to wood
and water, of which she began to be in want. Don Blas Gonzalez, after examining
her, and finding she had nothing on board but provisions and charts, and that
her distress was real, permitted her to stay a few days, to refit and take in
fresh supplies of wood and water. For this act of common hospitality, he was
immediately deprived of his governmen t, unheard, by superior order, and
remains still under disgrace. We pretend not to know the regulations of the
Spanish governmen t, as to the admission of foreign vessels into the ports of
their colonies; but the generous character of the nation is a security to us,
that their regulations can, in no instance, run counter to the laws of nature;
and among the first of her laws, is that which bids us to succor those in
distress. For an obedience to this law, Don Blas appears to have 






            Correspond ence           23



suffered; and we are satisfied, it is because his case has not been able to
penetrate to his Majesty's ministers, at least in its true colors. We would not
choose to be committed by a formal solicitation, but we would wish you to avail
yourself of any good opportunit y of introducin g the truth to the ear of the
minister, and of satisfying him, that a redress of this hardship on the
Governor, would be received here with pleasure, as a proof of respect to those
laws of hospitality which we would certainly observe in a like case, as a mark
of attention towards us, and of justice to an individual for whose sufferings
we cannot but feel.



  With the present letter, you will receive the public and other papers, as
usual, and I shall thank you in return, for a regular communicat ion of the
best gazettes published in Madrid.



  I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.







               TO MR. GRAND.



                 NEW York, April 23, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-You may remember that we were together at the Hotel de La Monnoye,
to see Mr. Drost strike coins in his new manner, and that you were so kind as
to speak with him afterwards on the subject of his coming to America. We are
now in a condition to establish a mint, and should be desire






   24         Jefferson's Works



ous of engaging him in it. I suppose him to be at present in the service of
Watts and Bolton, the latter of whom you may remember to have been present with
us at the Monnoye. I know no means of communicat ing our disposition s to Drost
so effectually as through your friendly agency, and therefore take the liberty
of asking you .to write to him, to know what emoluments he receives from Watts
and Bolton, and whether he would be willing to come to us for the same ? If he
will, you may give him an expectation , but without an absolute engagemen t,
that we will call for him immediately , and that with himself, we may probably
take and pay him for all the implements of coinage he may have, suited to our
purpose. If he asks higher terms, he will naturally tell you so, and what they
are; and we must reserve a right to consider of them. In either case, I will
ask your answer as soon as possible. I need not observe to you, that this
negotiation should be known to nobody but yourself, Drost and Mr. Short. The
good old Dr. Franklin, so long the ornament of our country, and I may say, of
the world, has at length closed his eminent career. He died on the 17th
instant, of an imposthume of his lungs, which having suppurated and burst, he
had not strength to throw off the matter, and was suffocated by it. His illness
from this imposthume was of sixteen days. Congress wear mourning for him, by a
resolve of their body.



  I beg you to present my friendly respects to 






           Correspond ence            25



Madame Grand, the elder and younger, and to your son, and believe me to be,
with sentiments of great esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your most obedient,
and most humble servant.







      TO THE MARQUIS DE LA LUZERNE.



               NEW York, April 30, 1790.



  SIR,-When in the course of your legation to the United States, your affairs
rendered it necessary that you should absent yourself awhile from that station,
we flattered ourselves with the hope that that absence was not final. It turned
out, in event, that the interests of your sovereign called for your talents and
the exercise of your functions, in another quarter. You were pleased to
announce this to the former Congress through their Secretary for Foreign
Affairs, at a time when that body was closing its administrat ion, in order to
hand it over to a governmen t then preparing on a different model. This
governmen t is now formed, organized, and in action ; and it considers among
its earliest duties, and assuredly among its most cordial, to testify to you
the regret which the people and governmen t of the United States felt at your
removal from among them ; a very general and sincere regret, and tempered only
by the consolation of your personal advanceme nt, which accompanie d it. You
will receive, Sir, by order of the President of the United States, as soon as
they can be prepared, a medal and chain of gold, 






26          Jefferson's Works



of which he desires your acceptance, in token of their esteem, and of the
sensibility with which they will ever recall your legation to their memory.



  But as this compliment may hereafter be rendered to other missions, from
which yours was distinguish ed by eminent circumstan ces, the President of the
United States wishes to pay you the distinguish ed tribute of an express
acknowledg ment of your services, and our sense of them. You came to us, Sir,
through all the perils which encompasse d us on all sides. You found us
struggling and suffering under difficulties, as singular and trying as our
situation was new and unprecede nted. Your magnanimo us nation had taken side
with us in the conflict, and yourself became the centre of our common councils,
the link which connected our common operations. In that position you labored
without ceasing, till all our labors were crowned with glory to your nation,
freedom to ours, and benefit to both. During the whole, we had constant
evidence of your zeal, your abilities, and your good faith. We desire to convey
this testimony of it home to your own breast, and to that of your sovereign,
our best and greatest friend; and this I do, Sir, in the name, and by the
express instruction of the President of the United States.



  I feel how flattering it is to me, Sir, to be the organ of the public sense
on this occasion, and to be justified by that office, in adding to theirs, the
homage of those sentiments of respect and esteem with which 






             Correspond ence           27



I have the honor to be, your Excellency' s most obedient, and most humble
servant.







            TO WILLIAM SHORT.



                NEW York, April 30, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-My last letter to you was of the 6th instant, acknowledg ing the
receipt of your favors of the 2d and 6th of January. Since that, Mr. Jay has
put into my hands yours of the 12th of January, and I have received your note
of February the 10th, accompanyi ng some newspaper s.



  Mine of the 6th covered the President's letter to the King for my recall, and
my letters of leave for myself and of credence to you, for the Count de
Montmorin, with copies of them for your information . Duplicates of all these
accompany the present; and an original commission for you as chargé des
affaires, signed by the President. At the date of my former letters, I had not
had time to examine with minuteness the proper form of credentials under our
new Constitutio n: I governed myself, therefore, by foreign precedents ,
according to which a chargé des affaires is furnished with only a letter of·
credence from one Minister of Foreign Affairs to the other. Further researches
have shown me, that under our new Constitutio n, all commission s (or papers
amounting to that) must be signed by the President. You will judge whether any
explanation on this subject to M. de Montmorin be necessary. 






 28                                   Jefferson's Works



I enclose you also the copy of a letter written to the Marquis de La Luzerne,
to be communicat ed to the Count de Montmorin, and by him to the King, if he
thinks proper. , It has become necessary to determine on a present proper to be
given to diplomatic characters on their taking leave of us ; and it is
concluded that a medal and chain of gold will be the most convenient. I have,
therefore, to ask the favor of you to order the dies to be engraved with all
the despatch practicable . The medal must be of thirty lines diameter, with a
loop on the edge to receive the chain. On one side, must be the arms of the
United States, of which I send you a written description , and several
impression s in wax to render that more intelligible; round them, as a legend,
must be "The United States of America. '' The device of the other side we do
not decide on. One suggestion has been a Columbia (a fine female figure)
delivering the emblems of peace and commerce to a Mercury, with a legend "
Peace and Commerce '' circumscri bed, and the date of our republic, to wit, 4th
July, MDCCLXXVI . , subscribed as an exergum ; but having little confidence in
our own ideas in an art not familiar here, they are only suggested to you, to
be altered, or altogether postponed to such better device as you may approve,
on consulting with those who are in the habit and study of medals. Duvivier and
Dupré seem to be the best workmen ; perhaps the last is the best of the two. 






29             Correspond ence



  The public papers which accompany this, will give you fully the news of this
quar ter.



  I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.







       TO MR. THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH.



                New YORK, May 30, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-I at length find myself, though not quite well, yet sufficiently so
to resume business in a moderate degree. I have, therefore, to answer your two
favors of April 23 and May 3, and in the first place to thank you for your
attention to the Paccan, Gloucester and European walnuts, which will be great
acquisition s at Monticello. I will still ask your attention to Mr. Foster's
boring machines, lest he should go away suddenly, and the opportunit y of
getting it be lost. I enquired of M Ir. Hamilton the quantity of coal imported
; but he tells me there are not returns as yet sufficient to ascertain it; but
as soon as there shall be I shall be informed. I am told there is a considerabl
e prejudice against our coal in these Northern States. I do not know whence it
proceeds ; perhaps from the want of attention to the different species, and an
ignorant application of them to cross purposes. I have not begun my meteorologi
cal diary, because I have not yet removed to the house I have taken. I remove
to-morrow; but as far as I can judge from its aspects, there will not be one
position to be had for the thermomete r 






   30                                            Jefferson's Works



free from the influence of the sun both morning and evening. However, as I go
into it only till I can get a better, I shall hope ere long to find a less
objectionab le situation. You know that during my short stay at Monticello I
kept a diary of the weather. Mr. Madison has just received one comprehen ding
the same period, kept at his father's at Orange. The hours of observatio n were
the same, and he has the fullest confidence in the accuracy of the observer.
All the morning observatio ns in Orange are lower than those of Monticello,
from one to, I believe, fifteen or sixteen degrees; the afternoon observatio ns
are near as much higher as those of Monticello. Nor will the variations permit
us to ascribe them to any supposed irregulariti es in either tube; because, in
that case, at the same point the variation would always be the same, which it
is not. You have often been sensible that in the afternoon, or rather evening,
the air has become warmer in ascending the mountain. .The same is true in the
morning. This might account for a higher station of the mercury in the morning
observatio ns at Monticello. Again, when the air is equally dry in the lower
and higher situations, which may be supposed the case in the warmest part of
the day, the mercury should be lower on the latter, because, all other
circumstances the same, the nearer the common surface the warmer the air. So
that on a mountain it ought really to be warmer in the morning and cooler in
the heat of the day than on the common plain, but not in so great 






 31            Correspond ence



a degree as these observatio ns indicate. As soon as I am well enough I intend
to examine them more accurately. Your resolution to apply to the study of the
law, is wise in my opinion, and at the same time to mix with it a good degree
of attention to the farm. The one will relieve the other. The study of the law
is useful in a variety of points of view. It qualifies a man to be useful to
himself, to his neighbors, and to the public. It is the most certain stepping-s
tone to preferment in the political line. In political economy, I think Smith's
Wealth of Nations the best book extant; in the science of governmen t,
Montesquie u's Spirit of Laws is generally recommend ed. It contains, indeed, a
great number of political truths; but also an equal number of heresies: so that
the reader must be constantly on his guard. There has been lately published a
letter of Helvetius, who was the intimate friend of Montesquie u, and whom he
consulted before the publication of his book. Helvetius advised him not to
publish it ; and in this letter to a friend he gives us a solution for the
mixture of truth and error found in this book. He says Montesquie u was a man
of immense reading; that he had commonplac e all his reading, and that his
object was to throw the whole contents of his commonplac e book into
systematica l order, and to show his ingenuity by reconciling the contradicto
ry facts it presents. Locke's little book on Governmen t, is perfect as far as
it goes. Descending from theory to practice there is no better book 






32            Jefferson's Works



than the Federalist. Burgh's Political Disquisitio ns are good also, especially
after reading De Lome. Several of Hume's Political Essays are good. There are
some excellent books of theory written by Turgot and the economists of France.
For parliamenta ry knowledge, the Lex Parliamenta ria is the best book. On my
return to Virginia in the fall, I cannot help hoping some practicable plan may
be devised for your settling in Albemarle, should your inclination lead you to
it. Nothing could contribute so much to my happiness were it at the same time
consistent with yours. You might get into the Assembly for that county as soon
as you should please.



  A motion has been made in the Senate to remove the Federal Governmen t to
Philadelphi a. There was a trial of strength on a question for a week's
postponeme nt. On that it was found there would be eleven for the removal, and
thirteen against it. The motion was therefore withdrawn and made in the other
house, where it is still depending, and of very uncertain event. The question
of the assumption is again brought on. The parties were so nearly equal on the
former trial that it is very possible, that with some modificatio ns, it may
yet prevail. The tonnage bill will probably pass, and must, I believe, produce
salutary effects. It is a mark of energy in our governmen t, in a case, I
believe, where it cannot be parried. The French revolution still goes on well,
though the danger of a suspension of payments is very imminent. Their appeal to
the 






            Correspond ence           33



inhabitants of their colonies to say on what footing they wish to be placed,
will end, I hope, in our free admissions into their islands with our produce.
This precedent must have consequenc es. It is impossible the world should
continue long insensible to so evident a truth as that the right to have
commerce and intercourse with our neighbors, is a natural right. To suppress
this neighborly intercourse is an exercise of force, which we shall have a just
right to remove when the superior force. Dear Sir, your affectionat e friend.





       TO WILLIAM SHORT.



                NEW York, June 6, 1790.



DEAR SIR,-Havin g written to you so lately as the 2 7th of May, by M. de
Crevecoeur , I have little new to communicat e. My headache still continues in
a slight degree, but I am able to do business. To-morrow I go on a sailing
party of three or four days with the President. I am in hopes of being relieved
entirely by the sickness I shall probably encounter. The President is perfectly
re-establis hed, and looks better than before his illness. The question of
removal to Philadelphi a was carried in the House of Representa tives by 38,
against 22. It is thought the Senate will be equally divided, and consequent ly
that the decision will rest on the Vice-Presid ent, who will be himself divided
between his own decided



  VOL. VIII-3 






34          Jefferson's Works



inclinations to stay here, and the unpopulari ty of being the sole obstacle to
what appears the wish of so great a majority of the people expressed by
proportion al representa tion. Rhode Island has at length acceded to the Union
by a majority of two voices only, in their convention. Her Senators will be
here in about ten days or a fortnight. The opposers of removal in the Senate
try to draw out time till their arrival. Therefore, they have connected the
resolution of the lower House with a bill originated with them to fix a
permanent residence, and have referred both to the same committee. Deaths are,
Colonel Bland at this place, and old Colonel Corbin in Virginia. The naming a
minister for Paris, awaits the progress of a bill before the legislature. They
will probably adjourn to the 1st of December, as soon as they have got through
the money business. The funding bill is passed, by which the President is
authorized to borrow money for transferrin g our foreign debt. But the ways and
means bill being not yet passed, the loan cannot be commenced till the
appropriati ons of revenue are made, which is to give credit to the loan. * *



Remember me to all my friends, and be assured of the sincere esteem of, dear
Sir, your affectionat e friend and servant. 






             Correspond ence          35







         TO COLONEL GEORGE MASON.



                NEW York, June 13, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-I have deferred acknowledg ing the receipt of your favor of March
16th, expecting daily that the business of the Consulship s would have been
finished. But this was delayed by the President's illness, and a very long one
of my own, so that it is not till within these two or three days that it has
been settled. That of Bordeaux is given to Mr. Fenwick, according to your
desire. The commission is making out and will be signed to-morrow or next day.



  I intended fully to have had the pleasure of seeing you at Gunstan Hall on my
way here, but the roads being so bad that I was obliged to leave my own
carriage to get along as it could, and to take my passage in the stage. I could
not deviate from the stage road. I should have been happy in a conversation
with you on the subject of our new governmen t, of which, though I approve of
the mass, I would wish to see some amendment s, further than those which have
been proposed, and fixing it more surely on a republican basis. I have great
hopes that pressing forward with constancy to these amendment s, they will be
obtained before the want of them will do any harm. To secure the ground we
gain, and gain what more we can, is, I think, the wisest course. I think much
has been gained by the late constitutio n ; for the former was terminating in
anarchy, as necessarily consequent to inefficienc y. The House of Repre--






36                  Jefferson's Works



sentatives have voted to remove to Baltimore, by a majority of 53, against 6.
This was not the effect of choice, but of confusion into which they had been
brought by the event of other questions, and their being hampered with the
rules of the House. It is not certain what will be the vote of the Senate. Some
hope an opening will be given to convert it into a vote of the temporary seat
at Philadelphi a, and the permanent one at Georgetown . The question of
assumption will be brought on again, and its event is doubtful. Perhaps its
opponents would be wiser to be less confident in their success, and to
compromise by agreeing to assume the State debts still due to individuals , on
condition of assuming to the States at the same time what they have paid to
individuals , so as to put the States in the shoes of those of their creditors
whom they have paid off. Great objections lie to this, but not so great as to
an assumption of the unpaid debts only. My duties preventing me from mingling
in these questions, I do not pretend to be very competent to their decision. In
general, I think it necessary to give as well as take in a governmen t like
ours. I have some hope of visiting Virginia in the fall, in which case I shall
still flatter myself with the pleasure of seeing you; in the meantime, I am,
with unchanged esteem and respect, my dear Sir, your most obedient friend and
servant, 






             Correspond ence          37



           TO DAVID RITTENHOU SE.



                NEW York, June 14, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-I enclosed you the day before yesterday a rough draught of the
report I had prepared on the subject of weights and measures. I have this
morning received from Mr. Short a proposition made by the Bishop of Autun to
the National Assembly of France, on the same subject, which I enclose you, and
will beg the favor of you to return it by post after you shall have perused it.
He mentions that the latitude of 45°, as being a middle term between the
equator and pole, had been proposed as the general standard for measures, and
he makes the proposition anew, and desires it may be made to England. As this
degree of latitude is our·northe rn boundary, as it may form a link between us
and Europe, and as the degree which shall otherwise give the standard is not
otherwise very material, I have thought of proposing it in my report instead of
the 38th degree. I have in consequenc e gone over my calculation s again upon
the ground of a pendulum of 36.-8.428.(S ir Isaac Newton's calculation for 45°)
39·14912 inches giving a rod of 58.72368 inches and reformed the tables (last
page of the report), of which reformation I send you a copy. The alterations in
the body of the work may be easily made from this. The Bishop says the pendulum
has been calculated for 45 ° to be 3 6. -8. 5 2. this 1/10 of a line less than
Sir Isaac Newton's, and the Bishop accord






38          Jefferson's Works



ingly adds, that there may be in this calculation an error of 1/10 of a line.



  I had taken no notice of the precaution of making the experiment of the
pendulum on the sea shore, because the highest mountain in the United States
would not add I-5000 part to the length of the earth's radius, nor I-128 of an
inch to the length of the pendulum ; the highest part of the Andes indeed might
add about I-1000 to the earth's radius, and I-25 of an inch to the pendulum; as
it has been thought worth mention, I will insert it also.



  Your letter of April 20th, was duly attended to by me, but I fancy the
successor had been decided on before it was known to the public that there
would be a vacancy.



  I am, with great esteem, my dear Sir, your sincere friend and humble servant.







           TO DAVID RITTENHOU SE.



                New YORK, June 20, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-I enclosed you on the I 7th the alterations I had made in my report
in consequenc e of the Bishop cf Autun's proposition , which had come to my
hands two days before. On the 18th, I received from Mr. Cutter in London a
packet of newspaper s, among which were the two enclosed, containing the speech
in Parliament of Sir John Riggs Miller, on the subject of weights and measures.
I observe, he states the estimate of 39. 2 I. for the length of the 






            Correspond ence           39



pendulum as confessedl y erroneous. I had adopted it from memory only, and
before I had been able to get a single book of any kind, in the first part of
the report, wherein I endeavor to ascertain and fix invariably the system of
measures and weights now in use with us. But before I proceeded to the second
part, proposing a thorough reform, and reducing the whole to the decimal ratio,
I had been able to procure here a copy of the Principia, and so to recur to the
fountain head for Sir I. Newton's calculation s and then added the note, which
you will find page 3 of the report, doubting what could have been the
foundation of the common imputation of the estimate of 3 g. 2 to Sir I. Newton,
and stating the grounds of that of 3 g. I 6 8 2 for the latitude of 51 ° 3 I '
of 39·1285 for 38°, which I had at first adopted, and 39.1682 for 45°, which I
took on receiving the Bishop of Autun's proposition . I have now thought I
might venture to take for granted, that the estimate of 39.2 is as erroneous as
I had supposed it, and therefore to expunge it from the first branch of the
report, and substitute in its stead 39.1682; and to change a passage under the
head of " Measures of length'' into the following form :



" They furnish no means to persons at a distance of knowing what this standard
is. This, however, is supplied by the evidence of the second pendulum, which,
according to the authority before quoted, being 3 g. I 6 8 z I. for the
latitude of London, and consequent ly the second rod for the same latitude 






  40                       Jefferson's Works



being 5 8. 7 5 2 3, we are first to find by actual trial the rod for 45°, and
to add to that 287/10000 of an inch, or rather 3/10 of a line (which in
practice will endanger less error than an attempt at so minute a fraction as
10,000th parts of an inch), this will give us the true measure of 58 3/4
English inches. Or, to shorten the operation, and yet obtain the result we
seek, let the standard rod of 45° be divided into 5871/5 equal parts, and let
each of these parts be declared a line, and ten lines an inch," etc.



  I propose also to strike out the note (page 3) before mentioned, and to
substitute the following in its place :



" The length of the pendulum has been differently estimated by different
persons. Knowing no reason to respect any of them more than Sir Isaac Newton
for skill, care, or candor, I had adopted his estimate of 39. 149 I. for our
northern limit of 45°, before I saw the different proposition s of the Bishop
of Autun, and Sir John Riggs Miller. The first of these gentlemen quotes
Mairan's calculation for 48° 50', the latitude of Paris, to wit, 504 : 257 : :
72 : to a 4th proportion al, which will be 3 6. 71428 = 3 9. 1923 inches. The
difference between the pendulum for 48° 50' and 45°, as calculated by Sir I.
Newton, is .0112 I.: so that the pendulum for 45° would be estimated, according
to the Bishop of Autun, at 39. I g 2 3-. O I I 2 = 3 g. I 8 I I. Sir John    
Rlggs     Miller proposes 39.126, being Graham's determinati on for 5 I ° 3 I
', the latitude of London. The difference between the Pendulum for 51° 31', and
45° by Sir 






  41           Correspond ence



I. Newton, is. .019 I. , so that the pendulum for 4 5 ° should be estimated
according to Sir J. R. Miller, at 3 g. I 2 6-. o 1 g = 3 g. I o 7 I. Now,
dividing our respect between these two results, by taking their mean, to wit,
39'1812 39'107 = 3 9 · z 44, we find ourselves almost exactly with Sir I.
Newton, whose estimate of 39.149 we had already adopted. ''



I propose also to reform a passage under the head of Weights, in the first
branch of the report, to stand thus :



" Let it then be established , that an ounce is the weight of a cube of rain
water of one-tenth of a foot, or rather, that it is the thousandth part of the
weight of a cubic foot of rain water weighed in the standard temperatur e, ''
etc.



  All which I submit to your judgment, and I will ask you particularl y to
examine the numbers .0112 and .019, as I have no help here to find them
otherwise than by approximati on. I have wished much, but in vain, Emerson's
and Ferguson's books here. In short, I never was cut off from the resources of
my own books and papers at so unlucky a moment. There is a Count Andriani, of
Milan, here, who says there is a work on the subject of weights and measures
published by Trisi of Milan. Perhaps you may have it at Philadelphi a, and be
able to send it to me. Were it not for my confidence in your assistance, I
should not have ventured to take up this business till I received my books.



  I am, my dear Sir, with great and sincere esteem, your friend and servant. 






    42        Jefferson's Works



       TO JAMES MONROE.



                NEW York, June 20, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-An attack of a periodical headache, which, though violent for a few
days only, yet kept me long in a lingering state, has hitherto prevented my
sooner acknowledg ing the receipt of your favor of May 26. I hope the
uneasiness of Mrs. Monroe and yourself has been removed by the re-establis
hment of your daughter. We have been in hopes of seeing her here, and fear at
length some change in her arrangeme nts for that purpose.



  Congress has been long embarrasse d by two of the most irritating questions
that ever can be raised among them : I, the funding the public debt, and 2, the
fixing on a more central residence. After exhausting their arguments and
patience on these subjects, they have for some time been resting on their oars,
unable to get along as to these businesses, and indisposed to attend to
anything else, till they are settled. And, in fine, it has become probable,
that unless they can be reconciled by some plan of compromise , there will be
no funding bill agreed to, our credit (raised by late prospects to be the first
on the exchange at Amsterdam, where our paper is above par) will burst and
vanish, and the States separate, to take care every one of itself. This
prospect appears probable to some well-inform ed and well-dispos ed minds.
Endeavors are, therefore, using to bring about a disposition to some 






             Correspond ence         43



mutual sacrifices. The assumption of State debts has appeared as revolting to
several States as their non-assum ption to others. It is proposed to strip the
proposition of the injustice it would have done by leaving the States who have
redeemed much of their debts on no better footing than those who have. redeemed
none ; on the contrary, it is recommend ed to assume a fixed sum, allotting a
portion of it to every State in proportion to its census. Consequent ly, every
State will receive exactly what they will have to pay, or they will be
exonerated so far by the general governmen t's taking their creditors off their
hands. There will be no injustice then. But there will be the objection still,
that Congress must then lay taxes for those debts which would have been much
better laid and collected by the State governmen ts. And this is the objection
on which the accommodat ion now hangs with the non-assumption ers, many of whom
committed themselves in their advocation of the new Constitutio n, by arguments
drawn from the improbabili ty that Congress would ever lay taxes where the
States could do it separately. These gentlemen feel the reproaches which will
be leveled at them personally. I have been, and still am of their opinion, that
Congress should always prefer letting the States raise money in their own way,
where it can be done. But in the present instance, I see the necessity of
yielding to the cries of the creditors in certain parts o£ the Union; for the
sake of union, and to save us from 






  44         Jefferson's Works



the greatest of all calamities, the total extinction of our credit in Europe.
On the other hand, it is proposed to pass an act fixing the temporary residence
of twelve or fifteen years at Philadelphi a, and that at the end of that time,
it shall stand ipso facto, and without further declaration transferre d to
Georgetown . In this way, there will be something to displease and something to
soothe every part of the Union but New York, which must be contented with what
she has had. If this plan of compromise does not take place, I fear one
infinitely worse, an unqualified assumption and the perpetual residence on the
Delaware. The Pennsylvan ia and Virginia delegates have conducted themselves
honorably and unexceptio nably, on the question of residence. Without
descending to talk about bargains, they have seen that their true interests lay
in not listening to insidious proposition s, made to divide and defect them,
and we have seen them at times voting against their respective wishes rather
than separate.



  In France, the revolution goes on surely but slowly. On the rest of the
continent, a league is formed between Prussia, Poland, Sweden, and Turkey, and
openly patronized by England and Holland, against the two empires, one of which
is convulsed by internal divisions. But the last packet brings still more
interesting news. The day before the mail came away, a message was sent to the
two Houses by the King, complainin g of the capture of two British ships at
Nootka Sound by the Spaniards, 






           Correspond ence            45



under pretense of an exclusive right to that coast, that the King had demanded
satisfaction , and in the meantime was arming, to enforce it. The Houses
unanimousl y promised support, and it was evident they would accept nothing
short of an extensive renunciatio n from Spain as to her American pretension s.
Perhaps she is determined to be satisfied with nothing but war, dismember ment
of the Spanish empire, and annihilatio n of her fleet. Nor does her countenanc
e towards us clear up at all.



I flatter myself with being in Virginia in the autumn. The particular time
depends upon too many contingenci es to be now fixed. I shall hope the pleasure
of seeing yourself and Mrs. Monroe either in Albemarle or wherever our route
may cross each other. Present me affectionat ely to her and to my good
neighbors generally, and be assured of the great and sincere esteem of, dear
Sir, your affectionat e friend and humble servant.







        TO MR. JOHN COFFIN. JONES.



                New YORK, June 23, 1790.



SIR,-I duly received your favor of May 1st, and communicat ed to the President
the part relative to Mr. Laneguy, who would have been disposed to pay all
possible respect to your recommend ation. The first rule on that subject was to
appoint a native Consul wherever a good one would accept of it ; but where no
native could be found, the person in pos






 46           Jefferson's Works



session was confirmed. Dr. Franklin had appointed a Mr. Cathalan as agent,
early in the war, a very substantial merchant of Marseilles. He and his son
have paid great attention to our concerns there, had much trouble, and no
emolument from it. It was thought unjust to remove him without cause. The
commission is given to the son, as being otherwise well qualified, and
particularl y as understand ing well our language and usages, acquired by a
residence in England. A bill which may be called the true navigation act for
the United States, is before Congress, and will probably pass. I hope it will
lay the foundation of a due share of navigation for us. I am, with great
esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.







              TO MR. DUMAS.



                NEW York, June 23, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-I arrived at this place the latter end of March, and undertook the
office to which the President had been pleased to appoint me, of Secretary of
State, which comprehen ds that of Foreign Affairs. Before I had got through the
most pressing matters which had been accumulati ng, a long illness came upon
me, and put it out of my power for many weeks to acknowledg e the receipt of
your letters.



    *    *   *   *   *    *   *   *



We are much pleased to learn the credit of our paper at Amsterdam. We consider
it as of the first 






            Correspond ence           47



importance, to possess the first credit there, and to use it little. Our
distance from the wars of Europe, and our disposition to take no part in them,
will, we hope, enable us to keep clear of the debts which they occasion to
other powers. It will be well for yourself and our bankers to keep in mind
always, that a great distinction is made here, between our foreign and domestic
paper. As to the foreign, Congress is considered as the representa tive of one
party only, and I think I can say with truth, that there is not one single
individual in the United States, either in or out of office, who supposes they
can ever do anything which might impair their foreign contracts. But with
respect to domestic paper, it is thought that Congress, being the representa
tive of both parties, may shape their contracts so as to render them
practicable , only seeing that substantial justice be done. This distinction
will explain to you their proceeding s on the subject of their debts. The
funding their foreign debts, according to express contract, passed without a
debate and without a dissenting voice. The modeling and funding the domestic
debt, occasions great debates, and great difficulty. The bill of ways and means
was lately thrown out, because an excise was interwoven into its texture; and
another ordered to be brought in, which will be clear of that. The assumption
of the debts contracted by the States to individuals , for services rendered
the Union, is a measure which divides Congress greatly. Some think that the
States could much 






 48            Jefferson's Works



more convenientl y levy taxes themselves to pay off these, and thus save
Congress from the odium of imposing too heavy burthens in their name. This
appears to have been the sentiment of the majority hitherto. But it is possible
that modificatio ns may be proposed, which may bring the measure yet into an
acceptable form. We shall receive with gratitude the copy of Rymer's Federa,
which you are so good as to propose for the use of our offices here.



  I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.







              'TO MR. LESLIE.



                 New YORK, June 27, 1790.



SIR,-I find among the letters to Mr. Jay, one on the subject of the vibrating
rod thought of by you for a standard of measure ; and I have received from Mr.
Madison a manuscript pamphlet of yours on the same subject. Congress having
referred to me to propose a plan of invariable measures, I have considered
maturely your proposition , and am abundantly satisfied of its utility; so that
if I can have your leave, I mean to propose in my report to adopt the rod in
preference to the pendulum, mentioning expressly that we are indebted to you
for the idea. Should they concur with me in opinion, it is possible that in
carrying it into execution we may have occasion to engage your assistance in
the proper adjustment of it, as well on account of your abilities in that 






  49                 Correspond ence



line generally, as for the peculiar interest you would feel in the success of
the experiment. Mr. Cox's letter to Mr. Jay seems to imply that you had
communicat ed your idea that I might avail myself of it in the subject referred
to me. But I think it justice to ask your express permission, and that you will
be so good as to give me an answer by return of post. I am, Sir, your most
obedient humble servant.







          TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN.



               NEW York, June 27, 1790.



DEAR SIR,-Your favor of March 27th came duly to hand on the 12th instant, as
did your very valuable present, the dry rice, brought from the Moluccas, by
Lieut. Blight. I immediately sent a few seeds to Virginia, where I am in hopes
there would still be force of summer sufficient to mature it. I reserve a
little for next spring, besides sowing some in pots, from which I have now
twenty-thr ee young plants, just come up. I fear, however, there is not summer
enough remaining here to ripen them, without the uncertain aid of a hot house.
Upon your encourage ment, I think I shall venture to write to Mr. Hinton Este,
of Jamaica, on the subject. You will have known that we had lost Dr. Franklin
before your letter came to hand; consequent ly, the relation of Lieut. Blight's
adventure, which you were so kind as to send, rests with me.



Though large countries within our Union are

vol.. VIII-4 






 50          Jefferson's Works



covered with the sugar maple, as heavily as can be conceived, and that this
tree yields a sugar equal to the best from the cane, yields it in great
quantity, with no other labor than what the women and girls can bestow, who
attend to the drawing off and boiling the liquor, and the trees when skillfully
tapped will last a great number of years, yet the ease with which we had
formerly got cane sugar, had prevented our attending to this resource. Late
difficulties in the sugar trade have excited attention to our sugar trees, and
it seems fully believed by judicious persons, that we cannot only supply our
own demand, but make for exportation . I will send you a sample of it, if I can
find a conveyance without passing it through the expensive one of the post.
What a blessing to substitute a sugar which requires only the labor of
children, for that which is said to render the slavery of the blacks necessary.



  An act of Congress authorizing the issuing of patents for new discoveries has
given a spring to invention beyond my conception. Being an instrument in
granting the patents, I am acquainted with their discoveries . Many of them
indeed are trifling, but there are some of great consequenc e, which have been
proved by practice, and others which, if they stand the same proof, will
produce great effect. Yesterday the man who built the famous bridge from Boston
to Charlestow n, was with me, asking a patent for a pile engine of his own
constructio n. He communicat ed to me another fact, of which he makes





  51           Correspond ence



no secret, and it is important. He was formerly concerned in ship building, but
for thirty years past has been a bridge builder. He had early in life observed,
on examining worm-eaten ships, that the worms never eat within the seams where
the corking chisel enters, and the oil, etc. He had observed that the whaling
vessels would be eaten to a honey-com b, except a little above and below water,
where the whale is brought in contact with the vessel, and lies beating against
it till it is cut up. A plank lying under water at a mill of his had been
obliged to be removed annually, because eaten up by the worms in the course of
the year. At length a plank was accidentall y put down which for some purpose
had been thoroughly impregnate d with oil. It remained seven years without
being affected. Hence he took the idea of impregnati ng the timbers of his
bridges thoroughly with oil, by heating the timber as deeply as possible, and
doing it well in that state with the liver oil of the codfish. He has practiced
this for thirty years, and there is no instance of the worm attacking his
timbers, while those in neighborin g places are immediately destroyed. He has
used the liver oil of the cod, because very thick, and therefore, as he
supposes, more permanent in its effect. He supposes some other oils might do,
but cannot speak of them experiment ally. He says there will be no difficulty
in heating the planks of a ship after they are put on, as well as before ; but
I do not recollect his mentioning ever to have tried it in the case of a ship. 






52           Jefferson's Works



   I am fixed here by ,the desire of my countryme n; consequent ly less in the
way of communicat ions in letters and the arts than I used to be. The
continuanc e of your communicat ions in that way will now be received with
double thankfulne ss.



We are told you are going to war. Peace and profit will, I hope, be our lot. A
high price and sure market for our production s, and no want of carrying
business will, I hope, enable my countryme n to pay of both their private and
public debts.



  I am; with sentiments of sincere esteem, dear Sir, your sincere friend and
servant.







              TO DR. GILMER.



                 NEW York, June 27, 1790.



  DEAR DOCTOR,-I have duly received your favor of May 21st, and thank you for
the details it contains. Congressio nal proceeding s go on rather heavily. The
question for assuming the State debts, has created greater animosities than I
ever yet saw take place on any occasion. There are three ways in which it may
yet terminate. I. A rejection of the measure, which will prevent their funding
any part of the public debt, and will be something very like a dissolution of
the governmen t. 2. A bargain between the eastern members, who have it so much
at heart, and the middle members, who are indifferent about it, to adopt those
debts without any modificatio n, on condition of removing the seat of 






 53            Correspond ence



governmen t to Philadelphi a or Baltimore. 3. An adoption of them with this
modificatio n, that the whole sum to be assumed shall be divided among the
States in proportion to their census; so that each shall receive as much as
they are to pay; and perhaps this might bring about so much good humor as to
induce them to give the temporary seat of governmen t to Philadelphi a, and
then to Georgetown permanentl y. It is evident that this last is the least bad
of all the turns the thing can take. The only objection to it will be, that
Congress will then have to lay and collect taxes to pay these debts, which
could much better have been laid and collected by the State governmen ts. This,
though an evil, is a less one than any of the others in which it may issue, and
will probably give us the seat of Governmen t at a day not very distant, which
will vivify our agriculture and commerce by circulating through our State an
additional sum every year of half a million of dollars. When the last packet
left England, there was great appearance of an immediate rupture with Spain.
Should that take place, France will become a party. I hope peace and profit
will be our share. Present my best respects to Mrs. Gilmer, and my enquiring
neighbors.



  I am, dear Doctor, your affectionat e friend and servant. 






54          Jefferson's Works







             TO MR. BOUDINOT.



                NEW York, June 29, 1790.



SIR,-As it is desirable we should receive from our Consuls an exact report of
all our vessels with their cargoes which go to the countries of their
residence, such fees appear necessary as may induce them to be watchful that
every such vessel is noted. At the same time, the fee should not be so large as
to induce them to connive at foreign vessels reporting themselves as American,
merely to give them the fee ; five and ten dollars appear to me well proportion
ed.



  While I was in Europe I found there was a great want of some legal mode of
taking and authenticat ing instrument s and evidence in general, to be sent to
this country ; such as depositions , affidavits, copies of wills, records,
deeds, powers of attorney, etc. I thought it would be proper, as soon as we
should have Consuls established, to make their authenticat ions under the seal
of their office, good evidence in our courts. I take the liberty of submitting
to you whether a clause for these purposes might not be properly placed in this
bill. I assure you the occasions for it are extremely frequent.



  I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant. 






            Correspond ence           55







         TO DAVID RITTENHOU SE.



               NEW York, June 30, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of the 25th came to hand last night, for which I give
you many thanks. The conversion of 36.7142 8 pouces into 39. 1923 inches, was
an error in division, and consequent ly the mean taken between that and
Graham's computatio n is wrong. It has rendered it necessary for me to suppress
the note on that subject, and to put it into the form now enclosed. In this I
state the reason for adopting II-3 pouces as the equivalent of the English
foot. It is so stated by D'Alembert in the Encycloped ia, and retained in the
new Encycloped ia. To have changed it for II-3. I I Mashelynci' s measure,
would have obliged me to have formed all my calculation s anew, which would
have exposed me to new errors of calculation; and added to the trouble and
delay it would have occasioned, did not seem worth while for so small a
fraction as II-100 of a line, or the I 2 2 7th of a foot. I suppose, too, that
the operation concerting between the French and English will soon furnish us
with a new and more certain equation of their feet. I still like the rod rather
than the pendulum, because I do not know a single objection to it which does
not lie to the pendulum, because it is clear of some objections to which that
is liable, but most of all, because I-5 of the second rod is much nearer the
present foot than I-3 of the second pendulum. After all, should the French and
English adopt 






   56                          Jefferson's Works



the pendulum, we shall be free to do so also. I state on the enclosed paper a
very loose answer to the 5th objection, which is the only one I can give. Can
you suggest something more precise ? As there is an idea that Congress will
rise about the middle of July, I shall only await the answer you will be so
good as. to make to this, and then give in my report. This day, I fancy, will
determine whether we are to be removed to Philadelphi a or not; for though it
will still be put to the question several times before its ultimate passage,
yet I think if this day's vote of the Senate is favorable, it will pass safely
through all the subsequent stages. It would have been a great comfort to me to
have been near you during the preparatio n of this business of weights and
measures. lt is much easier to avoid errors by having good information at
first, than to unravel and correct them after they are committed. I recommend
to Congress the deferring to proceed on the report till the next session, and
reserve to myself an opening to add any new matter which may occur in the
meantime.



  I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your affectionat e friend and
servant.







            TO WILLIAM SHORT.



                 NEW York, July I, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-A bill has passed two readings in the Senate for removing the seat
of governmen t to Phil






            Correspond ence                             5 7



adelphia, there to remain ten years, and then to be established permanentl y in
Georgetown . It is to receive its third reading to-day, and it depends on a
single vote, yet I believe we may count surely that it will pass that house. As
it originated there, it will then have to pass the lower house ; where,
however, I believe it is very secure of a majority. I apprehend this news must
reach you too late to send my baggage to Philadelphi a instead of this place;
however, to take the chance of any unexpected delay which may have attended its
departure, I drop you this line by a vessel sailing this morning to Dunkirk, to
pray you (if my baggage is not already embarked, or so engaged for its passage
as not to admit a change of destination ), that you will have it sent to
Philadelphi a directly. The having to send it from one port to another in the
United States, costs as much nearly as the freight across the Atlantic, besides
the custom-hou se difficulties. I think it better to wait an opportunit y from
thence to Philadelphi a, should there not be an immediate one, than that it
should make a double voyage. No time to add anything else, but that all is
well. Adieu. Yours affectionat ely.







             TO COL. N. LEWIS.



                  NEW York, July 4, 1790·



DEAR SIR,-I wrote you last on the 13th of June. The Senate have passed the bill
for fixing the resi--






            Jefferson's Works                                        58



dence of Congress at Philadelphi a for ten years, and then permanentl y at
Georgetown ; it has been read once or twice in the House of Representa tives,
and will be ultimately decided on the day after to-morrow. I believe it will
pass there by a considerabl e majority. I imagine we shall remove from hence
early in September, which will consequent ly be the time for my paying a short
visit to Monticello. There is reason to expect a rupture has taken place
between Spain and England. If so, it will involve France, and so render the
present war of Europe almost universal there. I hope they will ail see it their
interest to let us make bread for them in peace, and to give us a good price
for it. We have every moral certainty that wheat will be high for years to
come. I cannot, therefore, my dear Sir, omit. to press, for myself, the going
into that culture as much as you think practicable . In Albemarle, I presume we
may lay aside tobacco entirely ; and in Bedford, the more we can lay it aside
the happier I shall be. I believe it cannot there be entirely discontinue d,
for want of open lands. I will also be obliged to you to give such orders for
preparing for the next year's crop in the plantation given to Mr. Randolph, as
you would for me, were it to remain in my hands. I know he will be glad to have
as much wheat sowed as possible. While good crops of grain, and a good price
for them, will prepare a good income, if we can avoid paying that away to the
stores, all will be well. For this purpose, it is vastly desirable to be
getting under 






             Correspond ence         59



way with our domestic cultivation and manufactur e of hemp, flax, cotton and
wool for the negroes. If we may decide from past experience, we may safely say
that war and domestic manufactur e are more gainful than peace and store
supplies. The present price of wheat here is a dollar a bushel.



  Present my best esteem to Mrs. Lewis and your family. I am, dear Sir, your
affectionat e friend and humble servant.





         TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE, ESQ.



                 New YORK, July 4, 1790.



  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of April 28 came to hand May I I, and found me under a
severe indispositio n, which kept me from all business more than a month, and
still permits me to apply but very sparingly. That of June 20 was delivered me
two days ago by young Mr. Middleton, whom I was very glad to see, as I am
everybody and everything which comes from you. It will give me great pleasure
to be of any use to him, on his father's account as well as yours.



  In yours of April 28 you mention Dr. Turnbull's opinion that force alone can
do our business with the Algerines. I am glad to have the concurrenc e of so
good an authority on that point. I am clear myself that nothing but a perpetual
cruise against them, or at least for eight months of the year, and for several
years, can put an end to their piracies ; and I believe that a confederac y of
the nations not in treaty with 






60                                     Jefferson's Works



them can be effected, so as to make that perpetual cruise, or our share of it,
a very light thing, as soon as we shall have money to answer even a light thing
; and I am in hopes this may shortly be the case. I participate fully of your
indignation at the trammels imposed on our commerce with Great Britain. Some
attempts have been made in Congress, and others are still making to meet their
restriction s by effectual restriction on our part. It was proposed to double
the foreign tonnage for a certain time, and after that to prohibit the
exportation of our commoditie s in the vessels of nations not in treaty with
us. This has been rejected. It is now proposed to prohibit any nation from
bringing or carrying in their vessels what may not be brought or carried in
ours from or to the same ports ; also to prohibit those from bringing to us
anything not of their own produce, who prohibit us from carrying to them
anything but our own produce. It is thought, however, that this cannot be
carried. The fear is that it would irritate Great Britain were we to feel any
irritation ourselves. You will see by the debates of Congress that there are
good men and bold men, and sensible men, who publicly avow these sentiments.
Your observatio ns on the expediency of making short treaties, are most sound.
Our situation is too changing and too improving to render an unchangea ble
treaty expedient for us. But what are these enquiries on the part of the
British minister which leads you to think he means to treat? May they not look
to some other 






  61                                Correspond ence



object? I suspect they do; and can no otherwise reconcile all circumstan ces. 1
would thank you for a communicat ion of any facts on this subject.



Some questions have lately agitated the minds of Congress more than the friends
of union on catholic principles would have wished. The general assumption of
State debts has been as warmly demanded by some States, as warmly rejected by
others. I hope still that this question may be so divested of the injustice
imputed to it as to be compromise d. The question of residence, you know, was
always a heating one. A bill has passed the Senate for fixing this at
Philadelphi a ten years, and then at Georgetown ; and it is rather probable it
will pass the lower house. That question then will be put to sleep for ten
years ; and this and the funding business being once out of the way, I hope
nothing else may be able to call up local principles. If the war between Spain
and England takes place, I think France will inevitably be involved in it. In
that case I hope the new world will fatten on the follies of the old. If we can
but establish the armed neutrality for ourselves, we must become the carriers
for all parties as far as we can raise vessels.



The President had a hair-bread th escape; but he is now perfectly re-establis
hed, and looks much better than before he was sick. I expect daily to see your
nephew, Mr. J. Rutledge, arrive here, as he wrote me by the May packet that he
would come in that of June. He is a very hopeful young man, 






62                                                      Jefferson's Works



sensible, well-inform ed, prudent and cool. Our southern sun has been accused
of sometimes sublimating the temper too highly. I wish all could think as
coolly, but as soundly and firmly as you do. Adieu, my dear friend. Yours
affectionat ely.







              TO MR. DUMAS.



                 NEW York, July 13, 1790.



  SIR,-I wrote you last on the 23d of June, since which I have received yours
of March the 24th to the 30th.



    * * * * * * * *



Congress are still engaged in their funding bills. The foreign debts did not
admit of any difference of opinion. They were settled by a single and unanimous
vote; but the domestic debt, requiring modificatio ns and settlements , these
produce great difference of opinion, and consequent ly retard the passage of
the funding bill. The States had individuall y contracted considerable debts
for their particular defence, in addition to what was done by, Congress. Some
of the States have so exerted themselves since the war, as to have paid off
near the half of their individual debts. Others have done nothing. The State
creditors urge, that these debts were as much for general purposes as those
contracted by Congress, and insist that Congress shall assume and pay such of
them as have not been yet paid by their own States. The States who have exerted
themselves 






  63                        Correspond ence



most, find that, notwithsta nding the great payments they have made, they shall
by this assumption , still have nearly as much to pay as if they had never paid
anything. They are therefore opposed to it. I am in hopes a compromise will be
effected by a proportion al assumption , which may reach a great part of the
debts, and leave still a part of them to be paid by those States who have paid
few or none of their creditors. This being once settled, Congress will probably
adjourn, and meet again in December, at Philadelphi a. The appearance of war
between our two neighbors, Spain and England, would render a longer adjournme
nt inexpedient .



  I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.



              TO DR. GILMER.



                 NEW York, July 25, 1790.



  DEAR DOCTOR,-I wrote you last on the 27th of June. Since that we have had
great appearance s of an explosion between Spain and England. Circumstan ces
still indicate war. The strongest fact against it is that a British ambassador
is actually gone to Madrid. If there be war, France will probably embark in it.
I do not think it can disturb her revolution, that is so far advanced as to be
out of danger. Be these things as they may, there will be war enough to ensure
us great prices for wheat for years to come, and if we are wise we shall become