THE WRITINGS OF



THOMAS JEFFERSON



Definitive Edition



CONTAININ G HIS AUTOBIOGR APHY, NOTES ON VIRGINIA, PARLIAMEN TARY MANUAL,
OFFICIAL PAPERS,  MESSAGES AND ADDRESSES , AND OTHER WRITINGS, OFFICIAL AND
PRIVATE, NOW COLLECTED AND



PUBLISHED IN THEIR ENTIRETY FOR THE FIRST TIME



INCLUDING



ALL OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIP TS, DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTME NT 

OF STATE AND PUBLISHED IN 1853 BY ORDER OF THE 

JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS 



WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRAT IONS 

AND 

A COMPREHE NSIVE ANALYTICA L INDEX



ALBERT ELLERY BERGH 

EDITOR



VOL. V.



ISSUED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE THOMAS JEFFERSON MEMORIAL ASSOCIATI ON OF THE
UNITED STATES WASHINGTO N, D. C. 1907























  COPYRIGHT , 1905, 

BY THE THOMAS JEFFERSON MEMORIAL 

ASSOCIATI ON  






JEFFERSON AS A CITIZEN OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA



This is not a controversi al occasion. The political philosophy of Mr.
Jefferson will take care of itself. Its power, and majesty, and simplicity find
confirmatio n in Parton's statement that, "If Jefferson was wrong, America is
wrong. If America is right, Jefferson is right." (Applause.) So from the
extensive field in which Jefferson wrought, far and beyond the confines of his
own State, for the good and glory of America and the world, the limitation of
my toast requires that I should discuss, for a few moments Mr. Jefferson as "A
Citizen of the Commonwea lth of Virginia."



Mr. Jefferson was born and died upon his paternal estate in Virginia. His
father, Peter Jefferson, had moved to Albemarle, then Goochland county, when it
was a thinly settled community. The father was a successful farmer and
surveyor, and possessed that sturdy self-relianc e which has so characteriz ed
the



 



         __________ _____



 (1) An Address delivered by Hon. Andrew J. Montague, Governor of Virginia, at
a dinner given April 13, 1902, at Washington , D. C. by the Thomas Jefferson
Memorial Association , in celebration of the one hundred and fifty-ninth
birthday of the author of the Declaration of Independe nce. 






ii        Jefferson as a Citizen of the



American people. We have seen this spirit grow,­ if Senator Hoar(1) will pardon
me­from a period thirteen years before the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock,
when on the Island of Jamestown, the first permanent English-sp eaking
settlement in. America was established , and thence in conjunctio n with a like
spirit in the men of Massachuse tts, it has made its, victorious march' across
the continent. And yet from his early environmen t, one could not expect
Jefferson to be otherwise than provincial. His opportuniti es for education
were limited, and consisted of a little home tutoring until he came in touch
with a remarkable schoolmast er in the person of Mr. Maury, under whose
teachings the young Virginian first inhaled the sweet scent of the classics.



We next find him at Williamsbur g, where his life was profoundly impressed by a
notable man, Doctor Small, a Scotchman, and a professor in old william and Mary
College, for a great contributio n to whose rehabilitati on I take occasion to
make grateful acknowledg ment to the illustrious Senator from Massachuse tts.
[Applause.] On his way to this college Jefferson met a very extraordina ry
character; a man who loved his gun, his hunting-sh irt, and the conversatio n
of his neighbors around their firesides, and under the trees of their yards and
forests. short while after this meeting, Jefferson, a tall, gaunt youth, was
pushing his way into the House of Bur-







         __________ _____



 (1) United States Senator George F. Hoar, who was present and also delivered a
speech on Jefferson.






        Commonwea lth of Virginia                                iii



gesses and listening to this same man, "that forest-born Demosthene s," whose
voice vibrated with revolution; and one cannot overestimat e the influence of
Henry's oration as it surged upon the intense nature of the adolescent patriot.



In Williamsbur g Jefferson met the staid and conservati ve element­th e Tories,
if you please­of the Colony; but he moved steadily on with the most altruistic
spirit ever possessed by an American statesman. After two years of academic
training at William and Mary, he devoted five years to the study of the law,
mainly under the tutelage of George Wythe, the first chancellor of Virginia,
and the first judge who ever declared an act of the Legislature null and void,
because contrary to the Constitutio n; and as a chancellor easily ranking with
Kent.



As a citizen of Virginia, Jefferson's first office was that of justice of the
peace (if we except his vestryman' s oath and service), a tribunal admirably
adapted for education in justice and its concrete administrat ion. But
Jefferson's interest in the Commonwea lth was not confined to official service.
His broad and masterful mind was concerned with the material growth and
interests of the State. For example, he constructe d a canal in the little
river which runs at the foot of the great hill upon which he afterwards built
his home, in order to reach the James River and thereby the sea. He studied
agriculture , forestry, education, art and science. He could tie an artery or
set a fractured leg. He 






iv        Jefferson as a Citizen of the



was alike at home with the music of his violin and the "music of the spheres."
Indeed, his mental activities and acquiremen ts were a marvel.



We next find him in the House of Burgesses. Well has it t been said to-night,
that the mother Commonwea lth could hardly claim him, for his great doctrines
have extended over the world. Here he was in advance of Patrick Henry, not only
in contending against taxation without representa tion, but in asserting the
right of expatriatio n and the freedom and independen ce of Virginia.



In this body with easy self-comma nd, with no self-asserti on, for modesty was
one of his cardinal virtues, arduous and shirking no duty, and calm in the face
of every peril, he soon possessed the full confidence of his colleagues. It is
sometimes asserted that Jefferson was not a man of courage, but in a general
convention of the people of Virginia, a convention called in response to
resolutions which he originated for a conference of the people of the colonies
to gain information and take counsel in connection with British oppression s,
he produced a remarkable paper, "A Summary View of the Rights of British
America;" and while conservati ve men of the convention declined to accept it
as a pronounce ment of the colonial policy, yet the paper found large
circulation in England, and, with some slight interpolatio ns by Edmund Burke,
became a great document on the rights of the American people. So far in advance
of his compatriots were 






        Commonwea lth of Virginia                                v



the views of this paper, that Jefferson's name soon. found its way into a bill
of attainder of the British Parliament, which happily, however, was subsequent
ly suppressed .



Jefferson's name was now known over the colonies and when he took his seat in
the Congress at Philadelphi a, it was quite the common thought that he should
write the Declaration of Independe nce, which, in spirit and in letter, was his
creation. If one doubts this let him read his "Summary Rights of British
America," and the form and substance of the great declaration which was so soon
to come from his hands, will at once be recognized.



Jefferson's ardent attachment to his State is exhibited upon his return from
Congress by his appearance in the House of Delegates in Virginia, where he
offers his bill for the abolition of estates tail, that moribund relic of
juridical legerdemai n so deterrent to freedom and progress. He next comes
forward with a bill abolishing primogenit ure, thus exhibiting his firm belief
in the equality of man and man's opportunit y, and his conviction that merit in
the evolution of all things would finally survive and win. Then come his bills
for freedom of the press, for freedom of religion, and for freedom of
education. These are the cardinal principles of Jefferson's governmen tal
polity, for his whole creed may be termed free politics, free press, free
education, and free religion. He opposed. all despotism, political, academic,
or ecclesiastic al. This fundamenta l creed, 






vi        Jefferson as a Citizen of the



together with the purchase of Louisiana, was the structural force which gave
identity to the American people.



Mr. Jefferson now became Governor of the State. He was not a soldier, nor did
he claim to be one. The first year of his administrat ion was successful, but
the second was filled with embarrass ment. The seat of war had been transferre
d from Massachuse tts to Georgia, South Carolina, and North Carolina, and
Virginia was threatened from every quarter. Her seacoast was open, an inviting
avenue of attack. Her western boundary was threatened by Indian invasion.
Jefferson's hands were full. He had to guard the prisoners of war taken by
George Rogers Clarke after his almost incomparab le march and capture of
Vincennes. And he must support General Gates, who had gone to meet Cornwallis
in North Carolina, who Jefferson believed should be headed off in that State,
as he also believed that the resources of Virginia, her men and arms, should be
sent thither: But Virginia had no money, and her men were without arms. And
because efforts in this direction proved unavailing, Cornwallis' s invasion of
Virginia was made, and Jefferson incurred great public disapproba tion. A
resolution of inquiry was introduced in the House of Delegates with a view of
procuring condemnati on of his action, yet it is apparent that he was not only
doing the wise and statesmanli ke thing, but that what he did was with the
expressed approval of America's foremost man 






        Commonwea lth of Virginia                                vii



George Washington . When his term of office expired he declined re-election,
but was again elected to a seat in the House of Delegates where he courted an
inquiry, and demanded an investigati on of his conduct as Governor. No public
man can afford to do other than to make immediate and insistent demand for
public investigati on of any act reflecting upon his official character.
Jefferson met the situation by urging the inquiry, but no one would respond. He
then arose and with great dignity, read a paper containing every charge and his
minute detailed reply thereto. It was a complete vindication , and the
Legislature at once voted a resolution of confidence. Indeed, the mover of the
resolution, subsequent ly, upon the floor of the body, expressed his regret for
his connection therewith, and acknowledg ed that he was somewhat swept away by
the passions and misfortune s of war.



So Mr. Jefferson ended his life as a citizen of the Commonwea lth, save his
connection with three subjects of which I will now briefly speak. Before he
left the Legislature he performed a great work as one of the revisers and
codifiers of the laws of his State. It is sometimes said that Mr. Jefferson was
not a lawyer. The opinion of an unlettered neighbor of his was once asked upon
this subject, and he replied that he could not say, as Mr. Jefferson "was
always on the right side of every case." Certain it is, that his papers as
Secretary of State, exhibit a great knowledge of internation al law, and show
him 






viii        Jefferson as a Citizen of the



the equal of any of the great men who have filled this high position.



Mr. Jefferson rose rapidly at the bar, and his remunerati on was good. He
appeared in the nisi prius and appellate courts, and was engaged in some of the
most important litigation of the State. He confronted in active practice, and
with much success, Wythe, Pendleton, Randolph, Lee, and others; but it is of
him as a law writer that I wish now mainly to speak. Mr. Jefferson was one of a
committee of three to codify the laws, and to his lot fell the common law of
England and her statutes down to George III. Jefferson performed his work in an
extraordina ry manner. He wrote the statute of descents and distributio ns
within one page, and hardly eighteen sections, thus exhibiting the must
luminous condensati on found in the statutes of the world. Over one hundred
years have passed and only one case of litigation has arisen for the purpose of
construing this statute. The statute of frauds and perjury, drawn by a great
English lawyer, is said to have cost one tithe of the entire income of Great
Britain for a long period of years, yet Jefferson was so clear in thought and
perspicuou s in style that no room for litigation followed his labors. Well
might the makers of statutes for the American Common-wealths adopt him as a
model.



And may I not remind these friends of Jefferson of his conspicuou s part in
drafting the Virginia statute of 1778, prohibiting the importation of 






        Commonwea lth of Virginia                                ix



slaves into the Commonwea lth by land or water, under the penalty of one
thousand pounds and the freedom of the slave, thus, perhaps, placing Virginia
as the second of the States to destroy this wicked business.



About this period of his career Jefferson made a remarkable contributio n as a
citizen of Virginia in the publication of his "Notes on Virginia." This book
was originally written in response to a series of inquiries addressed to
Jefferson by direction of the King of France. These notes do not constitute a
mere handbook; it is really a book of official statistics. The work at once
established him as an author and a scientist, and is at this day a marvel of
information , elaborated by observatio ns and description s copious and
profound.



Before speaking of the culminating act of Mr. Jefferson's civic life mention
should be made of its domestic and religious side. Jefferson early entered into
the marriage bond, which happy tie lasted only ten years. His domestic life was
a model. For three agonizing months before the death of his wife, he was a
continuous nurse, and when the cord of her life was snapped his grief was so
great that his mind seemed well-nigh unbalanced . For one year after her death
he seemed struck dumb with sorrow. During this sad period one letter came from
his pen, that wonderful pen that lit the pages of ten to fifteen thousand
letters a year. The position of Minister to France had been tendered him; which
he declined, 






x        Jefferson as a Citizen of the



however, on account of the delicate state of his wife's health. After her death
he accepted a second tender and repaired to Paris, taking with him his oldest
daughter, then about eleven years of age. The devotion, delicacy, and exacting
care at once of a father and mother marked him, perhaps, as it had never'
before marked a father in America. Of the two daughters left of this marriage,
no detail of education escaped Mr. Jefferson. Their studies, their music, art,
deportment , manners, and morals were assiduousl y and profoundly studied by
him. His affection for them was romantic, and these children, as well as their
grand-chil dren, bear unbroken testimony of reverence and love for him, and
unite in saying that never an unkind or angry word was spoken by him to them.
Indeed, I challenge all literature to exhibit a purer affection than Jefferson
entertained for his children, and all romance to show a more faithful love,
amidst distraction s and temptations , than that shown by him to his wife
through life and to her memory after death.



Jefferson's religious views have been much misunderst ood. He has been
misreprese nted as an infidel. He was a profound believer in God, and his
letters evince the highest ethical and religious standard. His affiliations
were with the Episcopal Church, in which he served as a vestryman from his
majority to his death; but it would probably be more accurate to class him as a
Unitarian. Certainly he expressed the hope, in a letter to John Adams, for the
day when 






        Commonwea lth of Virginia                                xi



every young man in America would be a Unitarian. He was a great student of the
Bible, and abhorred orthodox theology. He would often say that if there had
been no commentato r, there would be no infidel, and that theologians had built
a scaffolding around Christ that had hid Him from the world. He was accustomed
to say that his life, and not his doctrine was his religion, exemplifyin g,
perhaps, after all that it is not so much what one professes as what one does
and is.



The achievemen ts of Jefferson as Minister to France, as Secretary of State, as
Vice-Presid ent, and twice President of the United States, are beyond the scope
of my toast. In these fields of action he easily maintained his ascendancy as a
statesman and a patriot; but he gladly laid down the irksome duties of public
servant, which he would often say brought him "envy and enmity," and took up
the great task of education for the people of his Commonwea lth. He projected a
system of public education which will, no doubt, meet the approval of the
master educators of the world. The primary school, then the academies or
colleges, then a university, and then a library. But his efforts were confined
mainly to the idea which had been the inspiration of his earlier years, that
is, the foundation of a University, which he finally established at the foot of
Monticello hill. This great school was the darling of his old age. It is
remarkable as a structure and as an intellectual and moral force. The
architectur e 






xii        Jefferson as a Citizen of the



is from the brain and the hand of Jefferson. Tuscan, Roman, and modern designs
are here woven into beautiful combinatio ns. The architectur e alone affords an
intellectual stimulus, and one can hardly stand upon the classic walks of the
University without breathing an educational aroma.



Mr. Jefferson would daily repair to this building. The nails which were driven
into it were made by his own slaves, the sound of whose hammers would ring in
his ears upon his porch at Monticello. With spy-glass in hand he would sit for
hours watching the structure as it progressed . But what the University was to
stand for as an educational force was his chief thought. Dr. Page has stated
his broad and original views. Geneva and Edinburgh he often called the "eyes of
Europe," and he expressed the wish to secure the entire faculty of one of these
great schools. Though he did not succeed in this, he brought a large number of
foreign scholars. to fill the chairs at the University. Jefferson became its
rector, and his two great friends and administrat ors of his political
philosophy, Madison and Monroe, were of the Board of Visitors. These three men
gathered at the University on the day of its dedication, and Mr. Jefferson's
heart seemed satisfied. One can easily imagine his exhilaratio n of spirit as
the Pantheon dome rose before his eye, and as he saw the students pass in and
out. He watched the University to his dying day. He saw the taper of learning
which he lit grow in volume, and within 






        Commonwea lth of Virginia                                xiii 



its rays he saw, as if penciled with letters of a finer light, a motto often
quoted and written by him, "Ye shall know the truth and the truth shall make
you free." [Great applause.]


CONTENTS.





        PAGE

JEFFERSON AS A CITIZEN OF THE COMMONWE ALTH

  OF VIRGINIA. By Hon. Andrew J. Montague, Governor of Virginia        i



LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE, 1784-1789        1-471

   To Colonel Uriah Forrest, Oct. 20, 1784        1

   To John Jay, May 11, 1785        2

   To General Chastellux, June 7, 1785        3

   To the Governor of Maryland (William Smallwood), June 16, 1785        7

   To John Jay, June 17, 1785        8

   To Colonel James Monroe, June 17,  1785        10

   To Joseph Jones, June 19, 1785        22

   To Charles Thompson, June 21, 1785        24

   To John Adams, June 23, 1785        26

   To Monsieur Du Portail, June 27, 1786        28

   To Colonel James Monroe, July 5, 1785        28

   To John Adams, July 7, 1785        30

   To A. N. A. de Castries, July 10, 1785        33

   To Messrs. French and Nephew, July 13, 1785        34

   To Dr. Styles, July 17, 1785        35

   To John Adams, July 28, 1785        39

   To Baron de Thulemeyer , July 28, 1785        43

   To Messrs. N.& J. Van Staphorst, July 30, 1785        44

   To John Adams, July 31, 1785        46

   To William Short, July, 1785        49

   To A. N. A. de Castries, August 3, 1785        52

   To John Adams, August 6, 1785        54








xvi        Contents



LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE­Co ntinued.        PAGE

   To Dr. Richard Price, August 7, 1785        55

   To John Adams, August 10, 1785        58

   To John Jay, August 14, 1785        60

   To John Jay, August 14, 1785        66

   To the Count Charles Gravier de Vergennes,

   August 15, 1785        68

   To Captain John Paul Jones, August 17, 1785        76

   To William Carmichael, August 18, 1785        78

   To Mrs. Trist, August 18, 1785        80

   To Peter Carr, August 19, 1785        82

   To John Page, August 20, 1785        88

   To the Governor of Virginia, August 22, 1785        92

   To John Jay, August 23, 1785        93

   To Colonel James Monroe, August 28, 1785        96

   To John Jay, August 30, 1785        100

   To James Madison, September 1, 1785        107

   To Messrs. Dumas & Short, September 1, 1785        111

   To John Adams, September 4, 1785        112

   To David Hartley, September 5, 1785        121

   To Baron Geismer, September 6, 1785        127

   To John Langdon, September 11, 1785        129

   To Monsieur de La Vale*e, September 11, 1785        131

   To Monsieur le Marquis de Poncins, September 11, 1785        132

   To James Madison, September 20, 1785        134

   To Edmund Randolph, September 20, 1785        137

   To John Adams, September 24, 1785        140

   To John Adams, September 24, 1785        142

   To Francis Hopkinson, September 25, 1785        147

   To R. Izard, September 26, 1785        149

   To Charles Bellini, September 30, 1785        151

   To James Madison, October 2, 1785        155

   To Dr. Benjamin Franklin, October 5, 1785        158

   To Samuel Osgood, Oct. 5, 1785        160








        Contents        xvii



LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE­Co ntinued.        PAGE

   To John Jay, Oct.6, 1785        165

   To Elbridge Gerry, Oct. 11, 1785        168

   To Count de Vergennes, Oct. 11, 1785        170

   To John Jay, October 11, 1785        171

   To John Adams, October 11, 1785        175

   To Messrs. Van Staphorst, October 12, 1785        177

   To Monsieur Desbordes, October 12, 1785        179

   To Count Gysbert Charles van Hogendorp, October 13, 1785        180

   To John Bannister, Junior, Oct. 15, 1785        185

   To Baron de Thulemeyer , Oct. 16,1785        189

   To William Carmichael, Oct.18, 1785        189

   To Count d'Aranda, Oct. 22, 1785        190

   To Messrs. Van Staphorst, Oct. 25, 1785        192

   To William Carmichael, November 4, 1785        194

   To Richard O'Bryan, Nov.4, 1785        200

   To W. W. Seward, Nov.12, 1785        201

   To Count de Vergennes, Nov.14, 1785        203

   To John Adams, Nov. 19, 1785        213

   To Count de Vergennes, Nov.20 1785        220

   To John Adams, Nov. 27, 1785        222

   To Colonel David Humphreys , Dec.4, 1785        228

   To John Adams, Dec. 10, 1785        229

   To the Governor of Georgia (Samuel Elbert), Dec. 22, 1785        231

   To the Georgia Delegates in Congress, Dec.22, 1785        233

   To John Adams, Dec.27, 1785        235

   To Francis Hopkinson, January 3, 1786        238

   To Archibald Cary, January 7, 1786        244

   To Major-Gene ral Nathanael Greene, January 12, 1786        246

   To John Adams, January 12, 1786        248

   To John Adams, January 12, 1786        250

     

        VOL. V­B








xviii        Contents



LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE­Co ntinued.        PAGE

   To Marquis Armand de La Rouerie, January 12, 1786        251

   To the Governor of Virginia, January 24, 1786        252

   To David Rittenhous e, January 25, 1786        255

   To Archibald Stuart, Esq., January 25, 1786        258

   To the Commission ers of the Treasury, Jan. 26, 1786        261

   To John Jay, Jan. 27, 1786        265

   To Benjmin Franklin, January 27, 1786        269

   To Colonel James Monroe, January 27, 1786        271

   To C. W. F. Dumas, Feb. 2, 1786        273

   To John Adams, Feb.7, 1786        275

   To James Madison, Feb.8,1786        277

   To Monsieur Hillard d'Auberteu il, Feb. 20, 1786        283

   To Dr. Edward Bancroft, Feb. 26, 1786        284

   To Count de Vergennes, Feb. 28, 1786        286

   To John Jay, March 5,  1786        287

   To John Jay, March 12, 1786        288

   To Richard Henry Lee, April 22, 1786        291

   To Charles Thomson, April 22, 1786        294

   To John Jay, April 23, 1786        295

   To John Jay, April 23, 1786        298

   To Count de Vergennes, May 3, 1786        302

   To John Page, May 4, 1786        303

   To William Carmichael, May 5, 1786        306

   To C. W. F. Dumas, May 6, 1786        309

   To William Drayton, May 6,1786        311

   To William Temple Franklin, May 7, 1786        312

   To Elbridge Gerry; May 7, 1786        314

   To L. W. Otto, May 7, 1786        316

   To Colonel David Humphreys , May 7, 1786        318

   To James Ross, May 8, 1786        320

   To T. Pleasants, May 8, 1786                324

   To Colonel James Monroe, May 10, 1786        325








        Contents        xix



LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE­Co ntinued.        PAGE

   To John Adams, May 11, 1786        333

   To Messrs. St. Victour and Bettinger, May 12, 1786        334

   To John Jay, May 12, 1786        335

   To John Jay, May 22, 1786        338

   To John Jay, May 23, 1786        340

   To Count de Vergennes, May 31, 1786        344

   To Monsieur La Morliere, June 3, 1786        345

   To Messrs. Buchanan and Hay, June 15, 1786        346

   To the Marquis de La Fayette, June 15, 1786        346

   To William Carmichael, June 20, 1786        347

   To John Lamb, June 20, 1786        349

   To John Jay, July 8, 1786        350

   To John Adams, July 9, 1786        354

   To Colonel James Monroe, July 9, 1786        357

   To John Adams, July 11, 1786        364

   To Commodore John Paul Jones, July 11, 1786        368

    To Hector St. John de Crevecoeur , July 11, 1786                369

   To Marquis de La Fayette, July 17, 1786        371

   To the Governor of Virginia, July 22, 1786        376

   To Stephen Cathalan, August 8, 1786        377

   To Governor Patrick Henry, August 8, 1786        377

   To John Jay, August 11, 1786        379

   To Colonel James Monroe, August 11, 1786        383

   To the Commission ers of the Treasury, Aug. 12, 1786        387

   To Benjamin Hawkins, Aug.13, 1786        390

   To John Jay, August 13, 1786        392

   To George Wythe, Aug. 13, 1786        394

   To Benjamin Franklin, August 14, 1786        398

   To Colonel David Humphreys , Aug. 14, 1786        400

   To Brissot de Warvill, Aug.15, 1786        402

   To Baron Blome, Aug. 18, 1786        404

   To William McCarty, Aug. 19, 1786        406








xx        Contents



LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE­Co ntinued.        PAGE

   To William Carmichael, Aug. 22, 1786        407

   To Marquis de La Fayette, Aug. 24, 1786        415

   To Count Gysbert Charles van Hogendorp, Aug. 25, 1786        417

   To Thomas Barclay, Sept. 22, 1786        422

   To John Adams, Sept. 26, 1786        423

   To John Jay, Sept. 26, 1786424

   To the Prevôt des Marchands et Echevins de Paris, September 27, 1786       
428

   To Baron de Stael        429

   To Mrs. Maria Cosway, Oct.12, 1786        430

   To Mrs. Maria Cosway, Oct. 13, 1786        448

   To Monsieur de Corny, October 20, 1786        449

   To John Jay, Oct.22, 1756        450

   To H. E. J. Adams, Oct. 27, 1786        454

   To Dr. David Ramsay, Oct. 27, 1786        455

   A Circular Letter, Oct. 29, 1786        457

   To Monsieur de Calonne, Nov. 2, 1786        458

   To Hector St. John de Crevecoeur , Nov.6, 1786        459

   To Monsieur Du Rival, Nov. 7, 1786        460

   To Monsieur Famin, Nov. 11, 1786        461

   To John Jay, Nov. 12, 1786        462

   To Monsieur Le Roy, de L'Académie des Sciences, November 13, 1786        463




CORRESPON DENCE.







LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE.



1784-1789.



(CONTINUED.) 










TO COLONEL URIAH FORREST.



        PARIS, CUL-DE-SA C TETEBOUT,



                                                                 October 20th,
1784.



SIR,­I received yesterday your favor of the 8th instant, and this morning went
to Auteuil and Passy, to consult with Mr. Adams and Dr. Franklin on the subject
of it. We conferred together, and think it is a case in which we could not
interpose (were there as yet cause for interpositio n), without express
instruction s from Congress. It is, however, our private opinion, which we give
as individuals only, that Mr. McLanahan, while in England, is subject to the
laws of England; that, therefore, he must employ counsel, and be guided in his
defence by their advice. The law of nations, and the treaty of peace, as making
a part of the law of the land, will undoubtedl y be under the considerati on of
the judges who pronounce on Mr. McLanahan' s case; and we are willing to hope,
that in their knowledge



   VOL. V­1 






2         Jefferson's Works



and integrity, he will find certain resources against injustice, and a
reparation of all injury to which he may have been groundless ly exposed. A
final and palpable failure on their part, which we have no reason to apprehend,
might make the case proper for the considerati on of Congress.



I have the honor to be, with sentiments of great respect and esteem, for Mr.
McLanahan, as well as yourself, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.







        TO JOHN JAY.



                                                         PARIS, May 11th, 1785.



SIR,­I was honored, on the 2d instant, with the receipt of your favor of March
the 15th, enclosing the resolution of Congress of the 10th of the same month,
appointing me their Minister Plenipotent iary at this court, and also of your
second letter of March 22d, covering the commission and letter of credence for
that appointmen t. I beg permission through you, Sir, to testify to Congress my
gratitude for this new mark of their favor, and my assurance of endeavorin g to
merit it by a faithful attention to the discharge of the duties annexed to it.
Fervent zeal is all which I can be sure of carrying into their service, and,
where I fail through a want of those powers which nature and circumstan ces
deny me, I shall rely on their indulgence, and much also on that candor with
which your goodness will present my proceeding s to their eye. The kind terms
in which 






        Correspondence         3



you are pleased to notify this honor to me, require my sincere thanks. I beg
you to accept them, and to be assured of the perfect esteem, with which I have
the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.







        TO GENERAL CHASTELL UX.



                                                         PARIS, June 7th, 1785.



DEAR SIR,­I have been honored with the receipt of your letter of the 2d
instant, and am to thank you. as I do sincerely, for the partiality with which
you receive the copy of the Notes on my country. As I can answer for the facts,
therein reported, on my own observatio n, and have admitted none on the report
of others, which were not supported by evidence sufficient to command my own
assent, I am not afraid that you should make any extracts you please for the
Journal de Physique, which come within their plan of publication . The
strictures on slavery and on the constitutio n of Virginia, are not of that
kind, and they are the parts which I do not wish to have made public, at least
till I know whether their publication would do most harm or good. It is
possible, that in my own country, these strictures might produce an irritation,
which would indispose the people towards the two great objects I have in view;
that is, the emancipatio n of their slaves, and the settlement of their
constitutio n on a firmer and more permanent basis, If I learn from 






4        Jefferson's Works



thence, that they will not produce that effect, I have printed and reserved
just copies enough to be able to give one to every young man at the College. It
is to them I look, to the rising generation, and not to the one now in power,
for these great reformation s. The other copy, delivered at your hotel, was for
Monsieur de Buffon. I meant to ask the favor of you to have it sent to him, as
I was ignorant how to do it. I have also one for Monsieur Daubenton, but being
utterly unknown to him, I cannot take the liberty of presenting it, till I can
do it through some common acquaintan ce.



I will beg leave to say here a few words on the general question of the
degeneracy of animals in America. I. As to the degeneracy of the man of Europe
transplante d to America, it is no part of Monsieur de Buffon's system. He
goes, indeed, within one step of it, but he stops there. The Abbé Raynal alone
has taken that step. Your knowledge of America enables you to judge this
question, to say, whether the lower class of people in America are less
informed and less susceptible of information , than the lower class in Europe;
and whether those in America, who have received such an education as that
country can give, are less improved by it than Europeans of the same degree of
education. a. As to the aboriginal man of America, I know of no respectable
evidence on which the opinion of his inferiority of genius has been founded,
but that of Don Ulloa. As to Robertson, he never was in 






        Correspondence         5



America, he relates nothing on his own knowledge, he is a compiler only of the
relations of others, and a mere translator of the opinions of Monsieur de
Buffon. I should as soon, therefore, add the translators of Robertson to the
witnesses of this fact, as himself. Paw, the beginner of this charge, was a
compiler from the works of others; and of the most unlucky description ; for he
seems to have read the writings of travellers, only to collect and republish
their lies. It is really remarkable , that in three volumes 12mo, of small
print, it is scarcely possible to find one truth, and yet, that the author
should be able to produce authority for every fact he states, as he says he
can. Don Ulloa's testimony is the most respectable . He wrote of what he saw,
but he saw the Indian of South America only, and that after he had passed
through ten generation s of slavery. It is very unfair, from this sample, to
judge of the natural genius of this race of men; and, after supposing that Don
Ulloa had not sufficiently calculated the allowance which should be made for
this circumstan ce, we do him no injury in considerin g the picture he draws of
the present Indians of South America, as no picture of what their ancestors
were three hundred years ago. It is in North America we are to seek their
original character. And I am safe in affirming, that the proofs of genius given
by the Indians of North America place them on a level with whites in the same
uncultivate d state. The North of Europe furnishes subjects 






6        Jefferson's Works



enough for comparison with them, and for a proof of their equality. I have seen
some thousands myself, and conversed much with them, and have found in them a
masculine, sound understand ing. I have had much information from men who had
lived among them, and whose veracity and good sense were so far known to me, as
to establish a reliance on their information . They have all agreed in bearing
witness in favor of the genius of this people. As to their bodily strength,
their manners rendering it disgraceful to labor, those muscles employed in
labor will be weaker with them, than with the European laborer; but those which
are exerted in the chase, and those faculties which are employed in the tracing
an enemy or a wild beast, in contriving ambuscade s for him, and in carrying
them through their execution, are much stronger than with us, because they are
more exercised. I believe the Indian, then, to be, in body and mind, equal to
the white man. I have supposed the black man, in his present state, might not
be so; but it would be hazardous to affirm, that, equally cultivated for a few
generation s, he would not become so. 

3. As to the inferiority of the other animals of America, without more facts, I
can add nothing to what I have said in my Notes.



As to the theory of Monsieur de Buffon, that heat is friendly, and moisture
adverse to the production of large animals, I am lately furnished with a fact
by Dr. Franklin, which proves the air of London 






        Correspondence         7



and of Paris to be more humid than that of Philadelphi a, and so creates a
suspicion that the opinion of the superior humidity of America may, perhaps,
have been too hastily adopted. And, supposing that fact admitted, I think the
physical reasonings urged to show, that in a moist country animals must be
small, and that in a hot one they must be large, are not built on the basis of
experiment. These questions, however, cannot be decided, ultimately, at this
day. More facts must be collected, and more time flow off, before the world
will be ripe for decision. In the meantime, doubt is wisdom.



I have been fully sensible of the anxieties of your situation, and that your
attentions were wholly consecrate d, where alone they were wholly due, to the
succor of friendship and worth. However much I prize your society, I wait with
patience the moment when I can have it without taking what is due to another.
In the meantime, I am solaced with the hope of possessing your friendship, and
that it is not ungrateful to you to receive assurances of that with which I
have the honor to be, dear Sir,



Your most obedient, and most humble servant.







        TO THE GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND.



                                                         PARIS, June 16, 1785.



SIR,­I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency some proposition s which
have been made from London to the Farmers General to furnish them with the
tobaccos of Maryland and Virginia. For 






8        Jefferson's Works



this paper, I am indebted to the zeal of the. M. de La Fayette. I take the
liberty of troubling you with it on a supposition that it may be possible to
have this article furnished from those States to this country immediately
without its passing through the entrepôt of London, and the returns for it
being made, of course, in London merchandis e. Twenty thousand hogsheads of
tobacco a year delivered here in exchange for the produce and manufacture of
this country, many of which are as good and cheaper than in England, would
establish a rivalship for our commerce which would have happy effects upon both
countries. Whether this end will be best effected by giving out these
proposition s to our merchants and exciting them to become candidates with the
Farmers General for this contract, or by any other means, your Excellency can
best judge. I shall mention this matter also to the Governor of Virginia. The
other paper which accompanie s the one before mentioned, is too miserable to
need notice. I will take measures for apprising them of its errors.



I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and esteem, your
Excellency' s most obedient, and most humble servant.







        TO MR. JAY.



                                                         PARIS, June 17, 1785.



SIR,­I had the honor of addressing you on the 11th of the last month by young
Mr. Adams, who 






        Correspondence         9



sailed in the packet of that month. That of the present is likely to be
retarded to the first of July, if not longer.



On the 14th of May I communicat ed to the Count de Vergennes my appointmen t as
minister plenipotent iary to this Court, and on the 17th delivered my letter of
credence to the King at a private audience, and went through the other
ceremonies usual on such occasion.



We have reason to expect that Europe will enjoy peace another year. The
negotiation s between the Emperor and United Netherland s have been spun out to
an unexpected length, but there seems little doubt but they will end in peace.
Whether the exchange projected between the Emperor and Elector of Bavaria, or
the pretension s of the former in his line of demarcatio n with the Ottoman
Porte will produce war, is yet uncertain. If either of them does, this country
will probably take part in it to prevent a dangerous accession of power to the
House of Austria. The zeal with which they have appeared to negotiate a peace
between Holland and the Empire seems to prove that they do not apprehend being
engaged in war against the Emperor for any other power; because, if they had
such an apprehensi on, they would not wish to deprive themselves of the
assistance of the Dutch: and their opinion on this subject is better evidence
than the details we get from the newspapers, and must weigh against the
affected delays of the Porte, as to the 






10        Jefferson's Works



line of demarcatio n, the change in their ministry, their preparatio n for war,
and other symptoms of like aspect. This question is not altogether uninteresti
ng to us. Should this country be involved in a Continental war, while
differences are existing between us and Great Britain, the latter might carry
less moderation into the negotiation s for settling them.



I send you herewith the gazettes of Leyden and that of France for the last two
months, the latter because it is the best in this country, the former as being
the best in Europe. The Courier de l'Europe you will get genuine from London.
As reprinted here it is of less worth. Should your knowledge of the newspaper s
of this country lead you to wish for any other, I shall take the greatest
pleasure in adding it to the regular transmissio ns of two others which I shall
make you in future.



I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem and respect, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.







        TO COLONEL MONROE.



                                                         PARIS, June 17, 1785.



DEAR SIR,­I received three days ago your favor of April the 12th. You therein
speak of a former letter to me, but it has not come to hand, nor any other of
later date than the 14th of December. My last to you was of the 11th of May by
Mr. Adams,





































        Correspondence         11



who went in the packet of that month. These conveyance s are now becoming
deranged. We have had expectation s of their coming to Havre, which would
infinitely facilitate the communicat ion between Paris and Congress; but their
deliberatio ns on the subject seem to be taking another turn. They complain of
the expense, and that their commerce with us is too small to justify it. They
therefore talk of sending a packet. every six weeks only. The present one,
therefore, which should have sailed about this time, will not sail till the 1st
of July. However, the whole matter is as yet undecided. I have hopes that when
Mr. St. John arrives from New York, he will get them replaced on their monthly
system. By-the-bye, what is the meaning of a very angry resolution of Congress
on this subject? I have it not by me, and therefore cannot cite it by date, but
you will remember it, and oblige me by explaining its foundation. This will be
handed you by Mr. Otto, who comes to America as Chargé des Affaires, in the
room of Mr. Marbois, promoted to the Intendancy of Hispaniola, which office is
next to that of Governor. He becomes the head of the civil, as the Governor is,
of the military department .



I am much pleased with Otto's appointmen t; he is good-humo red, affectionat e
to America, will see things in a friendly light when they admit of it, in a
rational one always, and will not pique himself on writing every trifling
circumstan ce of irritation to his court. I wish you to be acquainted with him,







12        Jefferson's Works



as a friendly intercourse between individuals who do business together produces
a mutual spirit of accommodat ion useful to both parties. It is very much our
interest to keep up the affection of this country for us, which is considerabl
e. A court has no affections; but those of the people whom they govern
influence their decisions, even in the most arbitrary governmen ts.



The negotiation s between the Emperor and Dutch are spun out to an amazing
length. At present there is no apprehensi on but that they will terminate in
peace. This court seems to press it with ardor, and the Dutch are averse,
considerin g the terms cruel and unjust; as they evidently are. The present
delays, therefore, are imputed to their coldness and to their forms. In the
meantime, the Turk is delaying the demarcatio n of limits between him and the
Emperor, is making the most vigorous preparatio ns for war, and has composed
his ministry of warlike characters, deemed personally hostile to the Emperor.
Thus time seems to be spinning out, both by the Dutch and Turks, and time is
wanting for France. Every year's delay is a great thing for her. It is not
impossible, therefore, but that she may secretly encourage the delays of the
Dutch, and hasten the preparatio ns of the Porte, while she is recovering vigor
herself, also, in order to be able to present such a combinatio n to the
Emperor as may dictate to him to be quiet. But the designs of these courts are
unsearchab le. It is our interest to pray 






        Correspondence         13



that this country may have no continental war till our peace with England is
perfectly settled. The merchants of this country continue as loud and furious
as ever against the Arret of August, 1784, permitting our commerce with their
islands to a certain degree. Many of them have actually abandoned their trade.
The ministry are disposed to be firm; but there is a point at which they will
give way, that is, if the clamors should become such as to endanger their
places. It is evident that nothing can be done by us at this time, if we may
hope it hereafter. I like your removal to New York, and hope Congress will
continue there, and never execute the idea of building their Federal town.
Before it could be finished, a change of members in Congress, or the admission
of new States, would remove them somewhere else. It is evident that when a
sufficient number of the western States come in, they will remove it to
Georgetown . In the meantime, it is our interest that it should remain where it
is, and give no new pretension s to any other place. I am also much pleased
with the proposition to the States to invest Congress with the regulation of
their trade, reserving its revenue to the States. I think it a happy idea,
removing the only objection which could have been justly made to the
proposition . The time, too, is the present, before the admission of the
western States. I am very differently affected towards the new plan of opening
our land office, by dividing the lands among the States, and selling 






14        Jefferson's Works



them at vendue. It separates still more the interests of the States, which
ought to be made joint in every possible instance, in order to cultivate the
idea of our being one nation, and to multiply the instances in which the people
shall look up to Congress as their head. And when the States get their
portions, they will either fool them away, or make a job of it to serve
individuals . Proofs of both these practices have been furnished, and by either
of them that invaluable fund is lost, which ought to pay our public debt. To
sell them at vendue, is to give them to the bidders of the day, be they many or
few. It is ripping up the hen which lays golden eggs. If sold in lots at a
fixed price, as first proposed, the best lots will be sold first; as these
become occupied, it gives a value to the interjacent ones, and raises them,
though of inferior quality, to the price of the first. I send you by Mr. Otto a
copy of my book. Be so good as to apologize to Mr. Thompson for my not sending
him one by this conveyance . I could not burthen Mr. Otto with more on so long
a road as that from here to L'Orient. I will send him one by a Mr. Williams,
who will go ere long. I have taken measures to prevent its publication . My
reason is, that I fear the terms in which I speak of slavery, and of our
constitutio n, may produce an irritation which will revolt the minds of our
countryme n against reformation in these two articles, and thus do more harm
than good. I have asked of Mr. 






        Correspondence         15



Madison to sound this matter as far as he can, and, if he thinks it will not
produce that effect, I have then copies enough printed to give one to each of
the young men at the College, and to my friends in the country.



I am sorry to see a possibility of * * * being put into the Treasury. He has no
talents for the office, and what he has, will be employed in rummaging old
accounts to involve you in eternal war with 

* * * and he will, in a short time, introduce such dissensions into the
commission, as to break it up. If he goes on the other appointmen t to
Kaskaskia, he will produce a revolt of that settlement from the United States.
I thank you for your attention to my outfit. For the articles of household
furniture, clothes, and a carriage, I have already paid twenty-eig ht thousand
livres, and have still more to pay. For the greatest part of this, I have been
obliged to anticipate my salary, from which, however, I shall never be able to
repay it. I find, that by a rigid economy, bordering however on meanness, I can
save perhaps five hundred livres a month, at least in the summer. The residue
goes for expenses so much of course and of necessity, that I cannot avoid them
without abandoning all respect to my public character. Yet I will pray you to
touch this string, which I know to be a tender one with Congress, with the
utmost delicacy. I had rather be ruined in my fortune than in their esteem. If
they allow me half a year's salary as an outfit, I can get through my debts in
time. If they raise the salary to what it was, or 






16        Jefferson's Works



even pay our house rent and taxes, I can live with more decency. I trust that
Mr. Adams's house at the Hague, and Dr. Franklin's at Passy, the rent of which
has been always allowed him, will give just expectation s of the same allowance
to me. Mr. Jay, however, did not charge it, but he lived economicall y and laid
up money.



I will take the liberty of hazarding to you some thoughts on the policy of
entering into treaties with the European nations, and the nature of them. I am
not wedded to these ideas, and, therefore, shall relinquish them cheerfully
when Congress shall adopt others, and zealously endeavor to carry theirs into
effect. First, as to the policy of making treaties. Congress, by the
Confederati on, have no original and inherent power over the commerce of the
States. But, by the 9th article, we are authorized to enter into treaties of
commerce. The moment these treaties are concluded, the jurisdictio n of
Congress over the commerce of the States springs into existence, and that of
the particular States is superseded so far as the articles of the treaty may
have taken up the subject. There are two restriction s only, on the exercise of
the power of treaty by Congress. 1st. That they shall not, by such treaty,
restrain the legislature s of the States from imposing such duties on
foreigners, as their own people are subject to; nor 2dly, from prohibiting the
exportation or importation of any particular species of goods. Leaving these
two points free, Congress may, by 






        Correspondence         17



treaty, establish any system of commerce they please; but, as I before
observed, it is by treaty alone they can do it. Though they may exercise their
other powers by resolution or ordinance, those over commerce can only be
exercised by forming a treaty, and this probably by an accidental wording of
our Confederati on. If, therefore, it is better for the States that Congress
should regulate their commerce, it is proper that they should form treaties
with all nations with whom they may possibly trade. You see that my primary
object in the formation of treaties is to take the commerce of the States out
of the hands of the States, and to place it under the superinten dence of
Congress, so far as the imperfect provisions of our constitutio ns will admit,
and until the States shall, by new compact, make them more perfect. I would
say, then, to every nation on earth, by treaty, your people shall trade freely
with us, and ours with you, paying no more than the most favored nation, in
order to put an end to the right of individual States, acting by fits and
starts, to interrupt our commerce, or to embroil us with any nation. As to the
terms of these treaties, the question becomes more difficult. I will mention
three different plans. 1. That no duty shall be laid by either party on the
production s of the other. 2. That each may be permitted to equalize their
duties to those laid by the other. 3. That each shall pay in the ports of the
other, such duties only as the most favored nations pay.



  VOL. V­2 






18        Jefferson's Works



1. Were the nations of Europe as free and unembarra ssed of established systems
as we are, I do verily believe they would concur with us in the first plan. But
it is impossible. These establishme nts are fixed upon them; they are
interwoven with the body of their laws and the organizatio n of their governmen
t, and they make a great part of their revenue; they cannot then, get rid of
them.



2. The plan of equal imposts presents difficulties insurmount able. For how are
the equal imposts to be effected? Is it by laying, in the ports of A, an equal
per cent. on the goods of B, with that which B has laid in his ports on the
goods of A? But how are we to find what is that per cent.? For this is not the
usual form of imposts. They generally pay by the ton, by the measure, by the
weight, and not by the value. Besides, if A sends a million's worth of goods to
B, and takes back but the half of that, and each pays the same per cent., it is
evident that A pays the double of what he recovers in the same way from B: this
would be our case with Spain. Shall we endeavor to effect equality, then, by
saying A may levy so much on the sum of B's importation s into his ports, as B
does on the sum of A's importation s into the ports of B? But how find out that
sum ? Will either party lay open their custom-hou se books candidly to evince
this sum ? Does either keep their books so exactly as to be able to do it? This
proposition was started in Congress when our instruction s were formed, as you
may remember, and 






        Correspondence         19



the impossibilit y of executing it occasioned it to be disapprove d. Besides,
who should have a right of deciding, when the imposts were equal? A would say
to B, my imposts do not raise so much as yours: I raise them therefore. B would
then say, you have made them greater than mine, I will raise mine; and thus a
kind of auction would be carried on between them, and a mutual irritation,
which would end in anything, sooner than equality and right.



3. I confess then to you, that I see no alternative left but that which
Congress adopted, of each party placing the other on the footing of the most
favored nation. If the nations of Europe, from their actual establishme nts,
are not at liberty to say to America, that she shall trade in their ports duty
free, they may say she may trade there paying no higher duties than the most
favored nation; and this is valuable in many of these countries, where a very
great difference is made between different nations. There is no difficulty in
the execution of this contract, because there is not a merchant who does not
know, or may not know, the duty paid by every nation on every article. This
stipulation leaves each party at liberty to regulate their own commerce by
general rules, while it secures the other from partial and oppressive
discriminat ions. The difficulty which arises in our case is, with the nations
having American territory. Access to the West Indies is indispensa bly
necessary to us. Yet how to gain it, when it is the established system of these
nations to 






20        Jefferson's Works



exclude all foreigners from their colonies. The only chance seems to be this:
our commerce to the mother country is valuable to them. We must endeavor, then,
to make this the price of an admission into their West Indies, and to those who
refuse the admission, we must refuse our commerce, or load theirs by odious
discriminat ions in our ports. We have this circumstan ce in our favor too,
that what one grants us in their islands, the others will not find it worth
their while to refuse. The misfortune is, that with this country we gave this
price for their aid in the war, and we have now nothing more to offer. She,
being withdrawn from the competition , leaves Great Britain much more at
liberty to hold out against us. This is the difficult part of the business of
treaty, and I own it does not hold out the most flattering prospects.



I wish you would consider this subject, and write me your thoughts on it. Mr.
Gerry wrote me on the same subject. Will you give me leave to impose on you the
trouble of communicat ing this to him? It is long, and will save me much labor
in copying. I hope he will be so indulgent as to consider it as an answer to
that part of his letter, and will give me his further thoughts on it.



Shall I send you so much of the Encycloped ia as is already published, or
reserve it here till you come ? It is about forty volumes, which probably is
about half the work. Give yourself no uneasiness about the money; perhaps I may
find it convenient to ask 






        Correspondence         21



you to pay trifles occasionall y for me in America. I sincerely wish you may
find it convenient to come here; the pleasure of the trip will be less than you
expect, but the utility greater. It will make you adore your own country, its
soil, its climate, its equality, liberty, laws, people, and manners. My God!
how little do my countryme n know what precious blessings they are in
possession of, and which no other people on earth enjoy. I confess I had no
idea of it myself. While we shall see multiplied instances of Europeans going
to live in America, I will venture to say, no man now living will ever see an
instance of an American removing to settle in Europe, and continuing there.
Come, then, and see the proofs of this, and on your return add your testimony
to that of every thinking American, in order to satisfy our countryme n how
much it is their interest to preserve, uninfected by contagion, those
peculiarities in their governmen ts and manners, to which they are indebted for
those blessings. Adieu, my dear friend; present me affectionat ely to your
colleagues. If any of them think me worth writing to, they may be assured that
in the epistolary account I will keep the debit side against them. Once more.
adieu.



                                                         Yours affectionat ely.



P. S. June 19. Since writing the above, we have received the following account:
Monsieur Pilatre de Roziere, who had been waiting for some months at 






22        Jefferson's Works



Boulogne for a fair wind tn cross the channel, at length took his ascent with a
companion. The wind changed after awhile, and brought him back on the French
coast. Being at a height of about six thousand feet, some accident happened to
his balloon of inflammable air; it burst, they fell from that height, and were
crushed to atoms. There was a Montgolfier combined with the balloon of
inflammable air. It is suspected the heat of the Montgolfier rarefied too much
the inflammable air of the other, and occasioned it to burst. The Montgolfier
came down in good order.







        TO JOSEPH JONES.



                                                         PARIS, June 19, 1785.



DEAR SIR,­I take the liberty of enclosing to you a state of the case of one
Polson, and begging your inquiries and information whether the lands therein
mentioned have been escheated and sold, and, if they have, what would be the
proper method of application to obtain a compensati on for them.



The negotiation s between Holland and the Emperor are slow, but will probably
end in peace. It is believed the Emperor will not at present push the Bavarian
exchange. The Porte delays the demarcatio n of limits with him, and is making
vigorous preparatio ns for war. But neither will this latter be permitted to
produce a war, if France can prevent it, because, wherever the Emperor is
seeking to 






        Correspondence         23



enlarge his dominions, France will present to him the point of a bayonet. But
she wishes extremely for repose, and has need of it. She is the wealthiest but
worst governed country on earth; and her finances utterly unprepare d for war.
We have need to pray for her repose, and that she may not be engaged in a
continental war while our matters with Great Britain are so unsettled and so
little like being settled.



An accident has happened here which will probably damp the ardor with which
aerial navigation has been pursued. Monsieur Pilatre de Roziere had been
attending many months at Boulogne a fair wind to cross the channel in a balloon
which was compounde d of one of inflammable air, and another called a
Montgolfier with rarefied air only. He at length thought the wind fair and with
a companion ascended. After proceeding a proper direction about two leagues,
the wind changed and brought them again over the French coast. Being at the
height of about six thousand feet, some accident, unknown, burst the balloon of
inflammable air, and the Montgolfier being unequal alone to sustain their
weight, they precipitate d from that height to the earth, and were crushed to
atoms. Though navigation by water is attended with frequent accidents, and in
its infancy must have been attended with more, yet these are now so familiar
that we think. little of them, while that which has signalized the two first
martyrs to the aeronautica l art will probably deter 






24        Jefferson's Works



very many from the experiment s they would have been disposed to make. Will you
give me leave to hope the pleasure of hearing from you sometimes. The details
from my own country of the proceeding s of the legislative, executive and
judiciary bodies, and even those which respect individuals only, are the most
pleasing treat we can receive at this distance, and the most useful also. I
will promise in return whatever may be interesting to you here.



        I am, with very perfect esteem, Sir,

                        Your friend and servant.







        TO CHARLES THOMPSON.



                                                         PARIS, June 21 ,1785.



DEAR SIR,­Your favor of March the 6th, has come duly to hand. You therein
acknowledg e the receipt of mine of November the 11th; at that time you could
not have received my last, of February the 8th. At present there is so little
new in politics, literature, or the arts, that I write rather to prove to you
my desire of nourishing your correspond ence, than of being able to give you
anything interesting at this time. The political world is almost lulled to
sleep by the lethargic state of the Dutch negotiation , which will probably end
in peace. Nor does this court profess to apprehend that the Emperor will
involve this hemisphere in war by his schemes on Bavaria and Turkey. The arts,
instead of advancing, have lately received a check, which will probably 






        Correspondence         25



render stationary for awhile, that branch of them which had promised to elevate
us to the skies. Pilatre de Roziere, who had first ventured into that region,
has fallen a sacrifice to it. In an attempt to pass from Boulogne over to
England, a change in the wind having brought him back on the coast of France,
some accident happened to his balloon of inflammable air, which occasioned it
to burst, and that of rarefied air combined with it being then unequal to the
weight, they fell to the earth from a height, which the first reports made six
thousand feet, but later ones have reduced to sixteen hundred. Pilatre de
Roziere was dead when a peasant, distant one hundred yards only, ran to him;
but Romain, his companion, lived about ten minutes, though speechless, and
without his senses. In literature there is nothing new. For I do not consider
as having added anything to that field my own Notes, of which I have had a few
copies printed. I will send you a copy by the first safe conveyance . Having
troubled Mr. Otto with one for Colonel Monroe, I could not charge him with one
for you. Pray ask the favor of Colonel Monroe, in page 5, line 17, to strike
out the words, "above the mouth of the Appomattox ," which makes nonsense, of
the passage; and I forgot to correct it before I had enclosed and sent off the
copy to him. I am desirous of preventing the reprinting this, should any book
merchant think it worth it, till I hear from my friends, whether the terms in
which. I have 






26        Jefferson's Works



spoken of slavery and the constitutio n of our State, will not, by producing an
irritation, retard that reformation which I wish, instead of promoting it. Dr.
Franklin proposes to sail for America about the first or second week of July.
He does not yet know, however, by what conveyance he can go. Unable to travel
by land, he must descend the Seine in a boat to Havre. He has sent to England
to get some vessel bound for Philadelphi a, to touch at Havre for him. But he
receives information that this cannot be done. He has been on the look-out ever
since he received his permission to return; but, as yet, no possible means of
getting a passage have offered, and I fear it is very uncertain when any will
offer.



I am, with very great esteem, dear Sir,

                        Your friend and servant.







        TO JOHN ADAMS.



                                                         PARIS, June 23, 1785.



DEAR SIR,­My last to you was of the ad instant, since which I have received
yours of the 3d and 7th. I informed you in mine of the substance of our letter
to Baron Thulemeyer : last night came to hand his acknowledg ment of the
receipt of it. He accedes to the method proposed for signing, and has forwarded
our dispatch to the King. I enclose you a copy of our letter to Mr. Jay, to go
by the packet of this month. It contains a state of our proceeding s since 






        Correspondence         27



the preceding letter, which you had signed with us. This statement contains
nothing but what you had concurred with us in; and, as Dr. Franklin expects to
go early in July to America, it is probable that the future letters must be
written by you and myself. I shall, therefore, take care that you be furnished
with copies of everything which comes to hand on the joint business.



What has become of this Mr. Lambe? I am uneasy at the delay of that business,
since we know the ultimate decision of Congress. Dr. Franklin, having a copy of
the Corps Diplomatiqu e, has promised to prepare a draught of a treaty to be
offered to the Barbary States: as soon as he has done so, we will send it to
you for your corrections . We think it will be best to have it in readiness
against the arrival of Mr. Lambe, on the supposition that he may be addressed
to the joint ministers for instruction s.



I asked the favor of you in my last, to choose two of the best London papers
for me; one of each party. The Duke of Dorset has given me leave to have them
put under his address, and sent to the office from which his despatches come. I
think he called it Cleveland office, or Cleveland lane, or by some such name;
however, I suppose it can be easily known there. Will Mr. Stockdale undertake
to have these papers sent regularly, or is this out of the line of his
business? Pray order me, also, any really good pamphlets that come out from
time to time, which he will charge to me. 






28        Jefferson's Works



I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.







        TO M. DU PORTAIL.



                                                         PARIS, June 27, 1785.



SIR,­I had the honor of informing you some time ago that I had written to the
Board of Treasury on the subject of the arrearages of interest due to the
foreign officers, and urging the necessity of paying them. I now enclose the
extract of a letter which I have just received from them, and by which you will
perceive that their funds were not in a condition for making that payment in
the moment of receiving my letter, but that they would be attentive to make it
in the first moment it should be in their power. There is still a second letter
of mine on the way to them, on the same subject, which will again press for
exertions in this business, which, however, I am satisfied they will not fail
to do their utmost in. It will give me real pleasure to inform you of effectual
provision for this purpose in the first moment possible, being with sentiments
of esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.







        TO COLONEL MONROE.



                                                         PARIS, July 5, 1785.



DEAR SIR,­I wrote you by Mr. Adams, May the 11th, and by Mr. Otto, June the
17th. The latter 






        Correspondence         29



acknowledg ed the receipt of yours of April the 12th, which is the only one
come to hand of later date than December the 14th. Little has occurred since my
last. Peace seems to show herself under a more decided form. The Emperor is now
on a journey to Italy, and the two Dutch Plenipotent iaries have set out for
Vienna; there to make an apology for their State having dared to fire a gun in
defence of her invaded rights: this is insisted on as a preliminary condition.
The Emperor seems to prefer the glory of terror to that of justice; and, to
satisfy this tinsel passion, plants a dagger in the heart of every Dutchman
which no time will extract. I enquired lately of a gentleman who lived long at
Constantin ople, in a public character, and enjoyed the confidence of that
governmen t, insomuch as to become well acquainted with its spirit and its
powers, what he thought might be the issue of the present affair between the
Emperor and the Porte. He thinks the latter will not push matters to a war;
and, if they do, they must fail under it. They have lost their warlike spirit,
and their troops cannot be induced to adopt the European arms. We have no news
yet of Mr. Lambe; of course, our Barbary proceeding s are still at a stand.(1).



                                                                         Yours
Affectionat ely.







         __________ _____



[(1) The remainder of this letter is in cypher, to which there is no key in the
Editor's possession. ] 






30        Jefferson's Works







        TO JOHN ADAMS.



                                                         PARIS, July 7, 1785.



DEAR SIR,­This will accompany a joint letter enclosing the draft of a treaty,
and my private letter of June 23d, which has waited so long for a private
conveyance . We daily expect from the Baron Thulemeyer the French column for
our treaty with his sovereign. In the meanwhile, two copies are preparing with
the English column, which Dr. Franklin wishes to sign before his departure,
which will be within four or five days. The French, when received, will be
inserted in the blank columns of each copy. As the measure of signing at
several times and places is new, we think it necessary to omit no other
circumstan ce of ceremony which can be observed. That of sending it by a person
of confidence, and invested with a character relative to the object, who shall
attest our signatures here, yours in London, and Baron Thulemeyer 's at the
Hague, and who shall make the actual exchanges, we think will contribute to
supply the departure from the usual form, in other instances. For this reason,
we have agreed to send Mr. Short on this business, to make him a secretary pro
hac vice, and to join Mr. Dumas for the operations of exchange, &c. As Dr.
Franklin will have left us before Mr. Short's mission will commence, and I have
never been concerned in the ceremonials of a treaty, I will thank you for your
immediate information as to the papers he should be furnished with from hence, 






        Correspondence         31



He will repair first to you in London, thence to the Hague, and then return to
Paris.



What has become of Mr. Lambe? Supposing he was to call on the commission ers
for instruction s, and thinking it best these should be in readiness, Dr.
Franklin undertook to consult well the Barbary treaties with other nations, and
to prepare a sketch which we should have sent for your correction. He tells me
he has consulted those treaties, and made references to the articles proper for
us, which, however, he will not have time to put into form, but will leave them
with me to reduce. As soon as I see them, you shall hear from me. A late
conversatio n with an English gentleman here makes me believe, what I did not
believe before, that his nation thinks seriously that Congress have no power to
form a treaty of commerce. As the explanation s of this matter, which you and I
may separately give, may be handed to their minister, it would be well that
they should agree. For this reason, as well as for the hope of your showing me
wherein I am wrong, and confirming me where I am right, I will give you my
creed on the subject. It is contained in these four principles. By the
Confederati on, Congress have no power given them, in the first instance, over
the commerce of the States. But they have a power given them of entering into
treaties of commerce, and these treaties may cover the whole field of commerce,
with two restriction s only. 1. That the States may impose equal duties on
foreigners as natives: and 2. That they 






32        Jefferson's Works



may prohibit the exportation or importation of any species of goods whatsoever
. When they shall have entered into such treaty, the superinten dence of it
results to them; all the operations of commerce, which are protected by its
stipulation s, come under their jurisdictio n, and the power of the States to
thwart them by their separate acts, ceases. If Great Britain asks, then, why
she should enter into any treaty with us? why not carry on her commerce without
treaty? I answer; because, till a treaty is made, no consul of hers can be
received (his functions being called into existence by a convention only, and
the States having abandoned the right of separate agreements and treaties); no
protection to her commerce can be given by Congress; no cover to it from those
checks and discourage ments with which the States will oppress it, acting
separately, and by fits and starts. That they will act so till a treaty is made
Great Britain has had several proofs; and I am convinced those proofs will
become general. It is, then, to put her commerce with us on systematica l
ground, and under safe cover, that it behoves Great Britain to enter into
treaty. As I own to you that my wish to enter into treaties with the other
powers of Europe arises more from a desire of bringing all our commerce under
the jurisdictio n of Congress, than from any other views. Because, according to
my idea, the commerce of the United States with those countries, not under
treaty with us, is under the jurisdictio n of each State separately; but that
of the countries, 






        Correspondence         33



which have treated with us, is under the jurisdictio n of Congress, with the
two fundamenta l restraints only, which I have before noted.



I shall be happy to receive your corrections of these ideas, as I have found,
in the course of our joint services, that I think right when I think with you.



I am, with sincere affection, dear Sir, your friend and servant.



P. S. Monsieur Houdon has agreed to go to America to take the figure of General
Washington . In case of his death, between his departure from Paris, and his
return to it, we may lose twenty thousand livres. I ask the favor of you to
enquire what it will cost to ensure that sum, on his life, in London, and to
give me as early an answer as possible, that I may order the insurance if i
think the terms easy enough. He is, I believe, between thirty and thirty-five
years of age, healthy enough, and will be absent about six months.







        TO M. DE CASTRIES.



                                                         PARIS, July 10th,
1785.



SIR,­I am honored with your Excellency' s letter on the prize money for which
Mr. Jones applies. The papers intended to have been therein enclosed, not
having been actually enclosed, I am unable to say anything on their subject.
But I find that Congress, on the first day of November, 1783, recommend ed
Captain Jones to their Minister here, as agent, to



        VOL. V­3 






34        Jefferson's Works



solicit, under his direction, payment to the officers and crews for the prizes
taken in Europe under his command; requiring him previously to give to their
superinten dent of finance good security for paying to him whatever he should
receive, to be by him distributed to those entitled. In consequenc e of this,
Captain Jones gave the security required, as is certified by the superinten
dent of finance on the 6th of November, 1783, and received from Doctor Franklin
on the 17th of December, 1783, due authority, as agent, to solicit the said
payments..



From these documents, I consider Captain Jones as agent for the citizens of the
United States, interested in the prizes taken in Europe under his command, and
that he is properly authorized to receive the money due to them, having given
good security to transmit it to the treasury office of the United States,
whence it will be distributed , under the care of Congress, to the officers and
crews originally entitled, or to their representa tives.



I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your
Excellency' s most obedient, and most humble servant.







        TO MESSRS. FRENCH AND NEPHEW.



                                                         PARIS, July 13th,
1785.



GENTLEME N,­I had the honor of receiving your letter of June the 21st,
enclosing one from Mr. Alexander of June the 17th, and a copy of his
application 






        Correspondence         35



to Monsieur de Calonnes. I am very sensible that no trade can be on a more
desperate footing than that of tobacco, in this country; and that our merchants
must abandon the French markets, if they are not permitted to sell the
production s they bring, on such terms as will enable them to purchase
reasonable returns in the manufactur es of France. I know but one remedy to the
evil; that of allowing a free vent; and I should be very happy in being
instrument al to the obtaining this. But, while the purchase of tobacco is
monopolize d by a company, and they pay for that monopoly a heavy price to the
governmen t, they doubtless are at liberty to fix such places and terms of
purchase, as may enable them to make good their engagemen ts with governmen t.
I see no more reason for obliging them to give a greater price for tobacco than
they think they can afford, than to do the same between two individuals
treating for a horse, a house, or anything else. Could this be effected by
application s to the minister, it would only be a palliative which would retard
the ultimate cure, so much to be wished for and aimed at by every friend to
this country, as well as to America.



I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant.







        TO DR. STYLES.



                                                         PARIS, July 17, 1785,.



SIR,­I have long deferred doing myself the honor of writing to you, wishing for
an opportunit y to 






36        Jefferson's Works



accompany my letter with a copy of the Bibliothéqu e Physico-€c onomique; a
book published here lately in four small volumes, and which gives an account of
all the improveme nts in the arts which have been made for some years past. I
flatter myself you will find in it many things agreeable and useful. I
accompany it with the volumes of the "Connoisan ce des Tems" for the years
1781, 1784, 1785, 1786, 1787. But why, you will ask, do I send you old
almanacs, which are proverbiall y useless? Because, in these publication s have
appeared, from time to time, some of the most precious things in astronomy. I
have searched out those particular volumes which might be valuable to you on
this account. That of 1781, contains de la Caille's catalogue of fixed stars
reduced to the commencem ent of that year, and a table of the aberrations and
nutations of the principal stars.1784 contains the same catalogue with the
nébuleuses of Messier. 1785 contains the famous catalogue of Hamsteed, with the
positions of the stars reduced to the beginning of the year 1784, and which
supersedes the use of that immense book. 1786 gives you Euler's lunar tables
corrected; and 1787, the tables for the planet Herschel. The two last needed
not an apology, as not being within the description of old almanacs. It is
fixed on grounds which scarcely admit a doubt that the planet Herschel was seen
by Mayer in the year 1756, and was considered by him as one of the zodiacal
stars, and, as such, arranged in his catalogue, 






        Correspondence         37



being the 964th which he describes. This 964th of Mayer has been since missing,
and the calculation s for the planet Herschel show that it should have been, at
the time of Mayer's observatio n, where he places his 964th star. The volume of
1787 gives you Mayer's catalogue of the zodiacal stars. The researches of the
natural philosophe rs of Europe seem mostly in the field of chemistry, and
here, principally, on the subjects of air and fire. The analysis of these two
subjects, presents to us very new ideas. When speaking of the "Bibliothéq ue
Physico-€c onomique," I should have observed, that since its publication , a
man in this city has invented a method of moving a vessel on the water, by a
machine worked within the vessel. I went to see it. He did not know himself the
principle of his own invention. It is a screw with a very broad thin worm, or
rather it is a thin plate with its edge applied spirally round an axis. This
being turned, operates on the air, as a screw does, and may be literally said
to screw the vessel along; the thinness of the medium, and its want of
resistance, occasion a loss of much of the force. The screw, I think, would be
more effectual if placed below the surface of the water. I very much suspect
that a countryma n of ours, Mr. Bushnel of Connecticu t, is entitled to the
merit of a prior discovery of this use of the screw. I remember to have heard
of his submarine navigation during the war, and, from what Colonel Humphreys
now tells me, I conjecture that the screw was the power he used. He joined to 






38        Jefferson's Works



this a machine for exploding under water at a given moment. If it were not too
great a liberty for a stranger to take, I would ask from him a narration of his
actual experiment s, with or without a communicat ion of his principle, as he
should choose. If he thought proper to communicat e it, I would engage never to
disclose it, unless I could find an opportunit y of doing it for his benefit. I
thank you for your information as to the great bones found on the Hudson river.
I suspect that they must have been of the same animal with those found on the
Ohio; and, if so, they could not have belonged to any human figure, because
they are accompanie d with tusks of the size, form and substance, of those of
the elephant. I have seen a part of the ivory, which was very good. The animal
itself must have been much larger than an elephant. Mrs. Adams gives me an
account of a flower found in Connecticu t, which vegetates when suspended in
the air. She brought one to Europe. What can be this flower? It would be a
curious present to this continent.



The accommodat ion likely to take place between the Dutch and the Emperor,
leaves us without that unfortunat e resource for news, which wars give us. The
Emperor has certainly had in view the Bavarian exchange of which you have
heard; but so formidable an opposition presented itself, that he has thought
proper to disavow it. The Turks show a disposition to go to war with him, but,
if this country can prevail on them to remain in peace, they will do 






        Correspondence         39



so. It has been thought that the two Imperial courts have a plan of expelling
the Turks from Europe. It is really a pity so charming a country should remain
in the hands of a people, whose religion forbids the admission of science and
the arts among them. We should wish success to the object of the two empires,
if they meant to leave the country in possession of the Greek inhabitants . We
might then expect, once more, to see the language of Homer and Demosthene s a
living language. For I am persuaded the modern Greek would easily get back to
its classical models. But this is not intended. They only propose to put the
Greeks under other masters: to substitute one set of barbarians for another.



Colonel Humphreys , having satisfied you that all attempts would be fruitless
here to obtain money or other advantages for your college, I need add nothing
on that head. It is a method of supporting colleges of which they have no idea,
though they practice it for the support of their lazy monkish institutions .



I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant.







        TO JOHN ADAMS.



                                                         PARIS, July 28, 1785.



DEAR SIR,­Your favors of July the 16th and 18th, came to hand the same day on
which I had received Baron Thulemeyer 's enclosing the ultimate draught 






40        Jefferson's Works



for the treaty. As this draught, which was in French, was to be copied into the
two instrument s which Dr. Franklin had signed, it is finished this day only.
Mr. Short sets out immediately . I have put into his hands a letter of
instruction s how to conduct himself, which I have signed, leaving a space
above for your signature. The two treaties I have signed at the left hand, Dr.
Franklin having informed me that the signatures are read backwards. Besides the
instruction s to Mr. Short, I signed also a letter to Mr. Dumas, associating
him with Mr. Short. These two letters I made out as nearly conformabl y as I
could to your ideas expressed in your letter of the 18th. If anything more be
necessary, be so good as to make a separate instruction for them signed by
yourself, to which I will accede. I have not directed Mr. Dumas's letter. I
have heretofore directed to him as "Agent for the United States at the Hague,"
that being the description under which the journals of Congress speak of him.
In his last letter to me, is a paragraph from which I conclude that the address
I have used is not agreeable, and perhaps may be wrong. Will you be so good as
to address the letter to him, and to inform me how to address him hereafter?
Mr. Short carries also the other papers necessary. His equipment for his
journey requiring expenses which cannot come into the account of ordinary
expenses, such as clothes, &c., what allowance should be made him? I have
supposed somewhere between a guinea a day, and one thousand dollars a























































        Correspondence         41



year, which I believe is the salary of a private secretary. This I mean as over
and above his travelling expenses. Be so good as to say, and I will give him an
order on his return. The danger of robbery, has induced me to furnish him with
only money enough to carry him to London. You will be so good as to procure him
enough to carry him to the Hague, and back to Paris.



The confederati on of the King of Prussia with some members of the Germanic
body, for the preservatio n of their constitutio n, is, I think, beyond a
doubt. The Emperor has certainly complained of it in formal communicat ions at
several courts. By what can be collected from diplomatic conversatio n here, I
also conclude it tolerably certain, that the Elector of Hanover has been
invited to accede to the confederati on, and has done, or is doing so. You will
have better circumstan ces, however, on the spot, to form a just judgment. Our
matters with the first of these powers being now in conclusion, I wish it was
so with the Elector of Hanover. I conclude, from the general expression s in
your letter, that little may be expected. Mr. Short furnishing so safe a
conveyance that the trouble of the cypher may be dispensed with, I will thank
you for such details of what has passed, as may not be too troublesom e to you.



The difficulties of getting books into Paris delayed for some time my receipt
of the Corps diplomatiqu e left by Dr. Franklin. Since that, we have been en-






42        Jefferson's Works



gaged with expediting Mr. Short. A huge packet also, brought by Mr. Mazzei, has
added to the causes which have as yet prevented me from examining Dr.
Franklin's notes on the Barbary treaty. It shall be one of my first occupation
s. Still the possibility is too obvious that we may run counter to the
instruction s of Congress, of which Mr. Lambe is said to be the bearer. There
is a great impatience in America for these treaties. I am much distressed
between this impatience and the known will of Congress, on the one hand, and
the uncertaint y of the details committed to this tardy servant.



The Duke of Dorset sets out for London to-morrow. He says he shall be absent
two months. There is some whisper that he will not return, and that Lord
Carmarthen wishes to come here. I am sorry to lose so honest a man as the Duke.
I take the liberty to ask an answer about the insurance of Houdon's life.



Congress is not likely to adjourn this summer. They have passed an ordinance
for selling their lands. I have not received it.



What would you think of the enclosed draught to be proposed to the courts of
London and Versailles? I would add Madrid and Lisbon, but that they are still
more desperate than the others. I know it goes beyond our powers, and beyond
the powers of Congress too; but it is so evidently for the good of all the
States, that I should not be afraid to risk myself on it, if you are of the
same opinion. Consider it, if you please, and give me your thoughts on it by
Mr. 






        Correspondence         43



Short; but I do not communicat e it to him, nor any other mortal living but
yourself.



Be pleased to present me in the most friendly terms to the ladies, and believe
me to be, with great esteem,



        Dear Sir, your friend and servant.







        TO THE BARON DE THULEMEY ER.



                                                         PARIS, July 28, 1785.



SIR,­I was honored with the receipt of your letter on the 24th instant,
together with the French draught of the treaty proposed. As it ultimately meets
His Majesty's approbatio n, Dr. Franklin, our colleague, having assisted us
through the progress of this business, we were desirous he also should join in
the execution. Duplicate instrument s were therefore prepared, each divided
into two columns, in one of which we entered the English form as it has been
settled between us, leaving the other blank to receive the French, which we
expected from you. In this state the Doctor, before his departure, put his
signature and seal to the two instrument s. We have since put into the blank
column the French form received from you verbatim. As we thought that such
instrument s should not be trusted out of confidentia l hands, and the bearer
thereof, William Short, Esq., heretofore a member of the Council of State in
Virginia, happened to be in Paris, and willing to give us his assistance
herein, they are delivered 






44        Jefferson's Works



into his hands with other necessary papers, according to an arrangeme nt
previously made between Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin and myself. He will proceed to
London to obtain Mr. Adams's signature, and thence to the Hague, where we have,
according to your desire, associated Mr. Dumas with him to concur with you in
the final execution. It is with singular pleasure I see this connection formed
by my country with a sovereign whose character gives a lustre to all the
transaction s of which he makes part. Give me leave to recommend Mr. Short to
your notice, His talents and merits are such as to have placed him, young as he
is, in the Supreme Executive Council of Virginia, an office which he
relinquishe d to visit Europe. The letter to Baron Steuben shall be taken care
of.



I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant.





        TO MESSRS. N. AND J. VAN STAPHORST , Amsterdam.



                                                         PARIS, July 30, 1785.



GENTLEME N,­I received yesterday your favor of the 25th. Supposing that the
funds which are the object of your enquiry, are those which constitute what we
call our domestic debt, it is my opinion that they are absolutely secure: I
have no doubt at all but that they will be paid, with their interest at six per
cent. But I cannot say that they are as secure 






        Correspondence         45



and solid as the funds which constitute our foreign debt; because no man in
America ever entertained a doubt that our foreign debt is to be paid fully; but
some people in America have seriously contended, that the certificates , and
other evidences of our domestic debt, ought to be redeemed only at what they
have cost the holder; for I must observe to you, that these certificates of
domestic debt, having as yet no provision for the payment of principal or
interest, and the original holders being mostly needy, have been sold at a very
great discount. When I left America (July, 1784,) they sold, in different
States, at from 15s. to 2s. 6d. in the pound; and any amount of them might then
have been purchased. Hence some thought that full justice would be done, if the
public paid the purchasers of them what they actually paid for them, and
interest on that. But this is very far from being a general opinion; a very
great majority being firmly decided that they shall be paid fully. Were I the
holder of any of them, I should not have the least fear of their full payment.
There is also a difference between. different species of certificates ; some of
them being receivable in taxes, others having the benefit of particular
assurances , &c. Again, some of these certificates are for paper money debts. A
deception here must be guarded against. Congress ordered all such to be
re-settled by the depreciation tables, and a new certificate to be given in
exchange for them, expressing their value in real money. But all have not yet, 






46        Jefferson's Works



been re-settled. In short, this is a science in which few in America are
expert, and no person in a foreign country can be so. Foreigners should
therefore be sure that they are well advised, before they meddle with them, or
they may suffer. If you will reflect with what degree of success persons
actually in America could speculate in the European funds, which rise and fall
daily, you may judge how far those in Europe may do it in the American funds,
which are more variable from a variety of causes.



I am not at all acquainted with Mr. Daniel Parker, further than having once
seen him in Philadelphi a. He is of Massachuse tts, I believe, and I am of
Virginia. His circumstan ces are utterly unknown to me. I think there are few
men in America, if there is a single one, who could command a hundred thousand
pounds' sterling worth of these notes, at their real value. At their nominal
amount, this might be done perhaps with twenty-fiv e thousand pounds sterling,
if the market price of them be as low as when I left America.



I am, with very great respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant.







        TO JOHN ADAMS.



                                                         PARIS, July 31, 1785.



DEAR SIR,­I was honored yesterday with yours of the 24th instant. When the
first article of our instruction s of May 7th, 1784, was under debate in 






        Correspondence         47



Congress, it was proposed that neither party should make the other pay, in
their ports, greater duties, than they paid in the ports of the other. One
objection to this was, its impracticab ility; another, that it would put it out
of our power to lay such duties on alien importation as might encourage
importation by natives. Some members, much attached to English policy, thought
such a distinction should actually be established. Some thought the power to do
it should be reserved, in case any peculiar circumstan ces should call for it,
though under the present, or, perhaps, any probable circumstan ces, they did
not think it would be good policy ever to exercise it. The footing gentis
amicissim€ was therefore adopted, as you see in the instruction . As far as my
enquiries enable me to judge, France and Holland make no distinction of duties
between aliens and natives. I also rather believe that the other States of
Europe make none, England excepted, to whom this policy, as that of her
navigation act, seems peculiar. The question then is, should we disarm
ourselves of the power to make this distinction against all nations, in order
to purchase an exception from the alien duties in England only; for if we put
her importation s on the footing of native, all other nations with whom we
treat will have a right to claim the same. I think we should, because against
other nations, who make no distinction in their ports between us and their own
subjects, we ought not to make a distinction in ours. And if the English will
agree, in 






48        Jefferson's Works



like manner, to make none, we should, with equal reason, abandon the right as
against them. I think all the world would gain, by setting commerce at perfect
liberty. I remember that when we were digesting the general form of our treaty,
this proposition to put foreigners and natives on the same footing was
considered; and we were all three, Dr. Franklin as well as you and myself, in
favor of it. We finally, however, did not admit it, partly from the objection
you mention, but more still on account of our instruction s. But though the
English proclamatio n had appeared in America at the time of framing these
instruction s, I think its effect, as to alien duties, had not yet been
experience d, and therefore was not attended to. If it had been noted in the
debate, I am sure that the annihilatio n of our whole trade would have been
thought too great a price to pay for the reservation of a barren power, which a
majority of the members did not propose ever to exercise, though they were
willing to retain it. Stipulating for equal rights to foreigners and natives,
we obtain more in foreign ports than our instruction s required, and we only
part with, in our own ports, a power of which sound policy would probably
forever forbid the exercise. Add to this, that our treaty will be for a very
short term, and if any evil be experience d under it, a reformation will soon
be in our power. I am, therefore, for putting this among our original
proposition s to the court of London. 






        Correspondence         49



If it should prove an insuperabl e obstacle with them, or if it should stand in
the way of a greater advantage, we can but abandon it in the course of the
negotiation .



In my copy of the cypher, on the alphabetica l side, numbers are wanting from
"Denmark" to "disc" inclusive, and from "gone "to "governor" inclusive. I
suppose them to have been omitted in copying; will you be so good as to send
them to me from yours, by the first safe conveyance ?



With compliment s to the ladies, and to Colonel Smith,



I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.(1)







        TO MR. WILLIAM SHORT.(2)



                                                                        July,
1785.



SIR,­A treaty of amity and commerce between the United States of America and
his majesty the King of Prussia having been arranged with the Baron de
Thulemeyer , his majesty's envoy extraordina ry at the Hague, specially
empowered for this purpose, and it being inconsisten t with our other duties to







         __________ _____



[(1) The original of this letter was in cypher. But annexed to the copy in
cypher, is the above literal copy by the author.]



[(2) Mr. Short was Mr. Jefferson's private secretary. The proposition s of our
ministers for commercial treaties, were received with coldness by all the
European powers except Prussia, Denmark, and Tuscany. Frederick met their
proposition s cordially, and a treaty was soon concluded with his minister at
the Hague. With Denmark and Tuscany our own ministers, from considerati ons of
policy, protracted the negotiation s until their powers expired.­E D.]



        VOL. V­4 






50        Jefferson's Works



repair to that place ourselves for the purpose of executing and exchanging the
instrument s of treaty, we hereby appoint you special secretary for that
purpose.



You receive from Colonel Humphreys , secretary of our legation, the original of
our full powers, and a copy of the same attested by him, heretofore communicat
ed to us by the Baron de Thulemeyer , and the two instrument s of treaty
awarded between us, each in two columns, the one in English and the other in
French, equally originals. From us you receive a letter to Charles Dumas, Esq.,
* * * for the United States at the Hague, associating him with you in the
object of your mission.



You will proceed immediately to the Hague, and being arrived there, will
deliver the letter to Mr. Dumas, and proceed conjunctly with him in the residue
of your business, which is to be executed there.



The original of our full powers is to be exhibited to the plenipotent iary of
his majesty the King of Prussia, and the attested copy is to be left with him,
you taking back the original. You will in like manner ask an exhibition of the
original of his full powers, and also a copy duly attested: you will compare'
the copy with the original, and, being satisfied of its exactness, you will
return the original and keep the copy. That you may be under no doubt whether
the full powers exhibited to you be sufficient or not, you receive from Colonel
Hum-






        Correspondence         51



phreys those which the Baron de Thulemeyer heretofore sent to us; if those
which shall be exhibited agree with these in form or substance, they will be
sufficient.



The full powers being approved on each side and exchanged, you will obtain the
signature and seal of the Prussian plenipotent iary to the two instrument s of
treaty with which you are charged, and yourself and Mr. Dumas will attest the
same. One of these original instruments will remain in the hands of the
Prussian plenipotent iary, the other you will retain.



You will ask that the ratification of his majesty the King of Prussia be made
known to us as soon as it shall have taken place, giving an assurance on our
part that that of Congress shall also be communicat ed as soon as it shall have
taken place; when both ratification s shall be known, measures may be concerted
for exchanging them. You will confer with the said plenipotent iary on the
expediency of keeping this treaty uncommuni cated to the public until the
exchange of ratification s agree accordingl y.



You will then return to Paris, and redeliver to the secretary of our legation,
our original full powers, the copies of those of Prussia before-men tioned, and
the original instrument of the treaty which you shall have retained. 






52        Jefferson's Works







        TO M. DE CASTRIES.



                                                         PARIS, August 3, 1785.



SIR,­The enclosed copy of a letter from Captain John Paul Jones, on the subject
on which your Excellency did me the honor to write me, on the­ day of July,
will inform you that there is still occasion to be troublesom e to you. A Mr.
Puchilberg, a merchant of L'Orient, who seems to have kept himself unknown till
money was to be received, now presents powers to receive it, signed by the
American officers and crews; and this produces a hesitation in the person to
whom your order was directed. Congress, however, having substituted Captain
Jones, as agent, to solicit and receive this money, he having given them
security to forward it, when received, to their treasury, to be thence
distributed to the claimants and having at a considerabl e expense of time,
trouble, and money, attended it to a conclusion, are circumstan ces of weight,
against which Mr. Puchilberg seems tn have nothing to oppose, but a nomination
by individuals of the crew, under which he has declined to act, and permitted
the business to be done by another without contradicti on from him. Against
him, too, it is urged that he fomented the sedition which took place among
them; that he obtained this nomination from them while their minds were under
ferment; and that he has given no security for the faithful payment of the
money to those entitled to it. 






        Correspondence         53



I will add to these, one more circumstan ce which appears to render it
impossible that he should execute this trust. It is now several years since the
right to this money arose. The persons in whom it originally vested were
probably from different States in America. Many of them must be now dead; and
their rights passed on to their representa tives. But who are their representa
tives? The laws of some States prefer one degree of relations, those of others
prefer another, there being no uniformity among the States on this point. Mr.
Puchilberg, therefore, should know which of the parties are dead; in what order
the laws of their respective States call their relations to the succession;
and, in every case, which of those orders are actually in existence, and
entitled to the share of the deceased. With the Atlantic Ocean between the
principals and their substitute, your Excellency will perceive what an
inexhaustib le source of difficulties, of chicanery, and delay, this might
furnish to a person who should find an interest in keeping this money, as long
as possible, in his own hands. Whereas, if it be lodged in the treasury of
Congress, they, by an easy reference to the tribunals of the different States,
can have every one's portion immediately rendered to himself, if living; and if
dead, to such of his relations as the laws of his particular State prefer, and
as shall be found actually living. I the rather urge this course, as I foresee
that it will relieve your Excellency from numberless appeals, 






54        Jefferson's Works



which these people will continually be making from the decisions of Mr.
Puchilberg; appeals likely to perpetuate that trouble of which you have already
had too much, and to which I am sorry to be obliged to add, by asking a
peremptory order for the execution of what you were before pleased to decide on
this subject.



I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect, your
Excellency' s most obedient, and most humble servant.







        TO JOHN ADAMS.



                                                         PARIS, August 6, 1785.



DEAR SIR,­I now enclose you a draught of a treaty for the Barbary States,
together with the notes Dr. Franklin left me. I have retained a press copy of
this draught, so that by referring to any article, line and word, in it, you
can propose amendment s, and send them by the post, without anybody's being
able to make much of the main subject. I shall be glad to receive any
alterations you may think necessary, as soon as convenient, that this matter
may be in readiness. I enclose also a letter containing intelligence from
Algiers. I know not how far it is to be relied on. My anxiety is extreme
indeed, as to these treaties. We know that Congress have decided ultimately to
treat. We know how far they will go. But unfortunat ely we know also, that a
particular person has been charged with, 






        Correspondence         55



instruction s for us, these five months, who neither comes nor writes to us.
What are we to do? It is my opinion, that if Mr. Lambe does not come in either
of the packets (English or French) now expected, we ought to proceed. I
therefore propose to you this term, as the end of our expectation s of him, and
that if he does not come, we send some other person. Dr. Bancroft or Captain
Jones occurs to me as the fittest. If we consider the present object only, I
think the former would be the most proper; but if we look forward to the very
probable event of war with those pirates, an important object would be obtained
by Captain Jones' becoming acquainted with their ports, force, tactics, &c. Let
me know your opinion on this. I have never mentioned it to either, but I
suppose either might be induced to go. Present me affectionat ely to the ladies
and Colonel Smith, and be assured of the sincerity with which I am, dear Sir,
your friend and servant.







        TO DR. PRICE.



                                                         PARIS, August 7, 1785.



SIR,­Your favor of July the 2d came duly to hand. The concern you therein
express as to the effect of your pamphlet in America, induces me to trouble you
with some observatio ns on that subject.



From my acquaintan ce with that country, I think I, am able to judge, with some
degree of certainty, 






56        Jefferson's Works



of the manner in which it will have been received. Southward of the Chesapeake
, it will find but few readers concurring with it in sentiment, on the subject
of slavery. From the mouth to the head of the Chesapeake , the bulk of the
people will approve it in theory, and it will find a respectable minority ready
to adopt it in practice; a minority, which for weight and worth of character,
prepondera tes against the greater number, who have not the courage to divest
their families of a property, which, however, keeps their conscience unquiet.
Northward of the Chesapeake , you may find, here and there, an opponent to your
doctrine, as you may find, here and there, a robber and murderer; but in no
greater number. In that part of America, there being but few slaves, they can
easily disencumbe r themselves of them; and emancipatio n is put into such a
train, that in a few years there will be no slaves northward of Maryland. In
Maryland, I do not find such a disposition to begin the redress of this
enormity, as in Virginia. This is the next State to which we may turn our eyes
for the interesting spectacle of justice, in conflict with avarice and
oppression; a conflict wherein the sacred side is gaining daily recruits, from
the influx into office of young men grown, and growing up. These have sucked in
the principles of liberty, as it were, with their mother's milk; and it is to
them I look with anxiety to turn the fate of this question. Be not therefore
discourage d. What you have written will do a great 






        Correspondence         57



deal of good; and could you still trouble yourself with our welfare, no man is
more able to give aid to the laboring side. The College of William and Mary, in
Williamsbur g, since the re-modellin g of its plan, is the place where are
collected together all the young men of Virginia, under preparatio n for public
life. They are there under the direction (most of them) of a Mr. Wythe, one of
the most virtuous of characters, and whose sentiments on the subject of slavery
are unequivoca l. I am satisfied, if you could resolve to address an
exhortation to those young men, with all that eloquence of which you are
master, that its influence on the future decision of this important question
would be great, perhaps decisive. Thus you see, that, so far from thinking you
have cause to repent of what you have done, I wish you to do more, and wish it,
on an assurance of its effect. The information I have received from America, of
the reception of your pamphlet in the different States, agrees with the
expectation s I had formed.



Our country is getting into a ferment against yours, or rather has caught it
from yours. God knows how this will end; but assuredly in one extreme or the
other. There can be no medium between those who have loved so much. I think the
decision is in your power as yet, but will not be so long.



I pray you to be assured of the sincerity of the esteem and respect with which
I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. 






58        Jefferson's Works







        TO JOHN ADAMS.



                                                         PARIS, August 10,
1785.



DEAR SIR,­Your favor of the 4th instant came to hand yesterday. I now enclose
you the two Arrets against the importation of foreign manufactur es into this
kingdom. The cause of the balance against this country, in favor of England, as
well as its amount, is not agreed on. No doubt the rage for English manufactur
es must be a principal cause. The speculators in exchange say also that those
of the circumjace nt countries who have a balance in their favor against
France, remit that balance to England from France. If so, it is possible that
the English may count this balance twice; that is, in summing their exports to
one of these States, and their imports from it, they count the difference once
in their favor, then a second time when they sum the remittances of cash they
receive from France. There has been no Arret relative to our commerce since
that of August, 1784. And all the late advices from the French West Indies are,
that they have now in their ports always three times as many vessels as there
ever were before, and that the increase is principally from our States. I have
now no further fears of that Arret's standing its ground. When it shall become
firm, I do not think its extension desperate. But whether the placing it on the
firm basis of treaty be practicable, is a very different question. As far as it
is possible to judge from 






59         Correspond ence



appearance s, I conjecture that Crawford will do nothing. I infer this from
some things in his conversatio n, and from an expression of the Count de
Vergennes in a conversatio n with me yesterday. I pressed upon him the
importance of opening their ports freely to us in the moment of the oppression
s of the English regulations against us, and perhaps of the suspension of their
commerce. He admitted it, but said we had free ingress with our production s. I
enumerated them to him, and showed him on what footing they were, and how they
might be improved. We are to have further conversatio ns on the subject. I am
afraid the voyage to Fontaineble au will interrupt them. From the inquiries I
have made, I find I cannot get a very small and indifferent house there for the
season, (that is, for a month,) for less than one hundred or one hundred and
fifty guineas. This is nearly the whole salary for the time, and would leave
nothing to eat. I therefore cannot accompany the court thither, but I will
endeavor to go there occasionall y from Paris. They tell me it is the most
favorable scene for business with the Count de Vergennes, because he is then
more abstracted from the domestic application s. Count d'Aranda is not yet
returned from the waters of Vichy. As soon as he returns, I will apply to him
in the case of Mr. Watson. I will pray you to insure Houdon's life from the
27th of last month till his return to Paris. As he was to stay in America a
month or two, he will probably be about six months 






60        Jeffe rson' s Work s



absent; but the three per cent. for the voyage being once paid, I suppose they
will insure his life by the month, whether his absence be longer or shorter.
The sum to be insured is fifteen thousand livres tournois. If it be not
necessary to pay the money immediately , there is a prospect of exchange
becoming more favorable. But whenever it is necessary, be so good as to procure
it by selling a draft on Mr. Grand, which I will take care shall be honored.
With compliment s to the ladies,



 I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.







        TO JOHN JAY.



                                                         PARIS, August 14,
1785.



SIR,­I was honored, on the and ultimo, with the receipt of your letter of June
the 15th; and delivered the letter therein enclosed, from the President of
Congress to the King. I took an opportunit y of asking the Count de Vergennes,
whether the Chevalier Luzerne proposed to return to America? He answered me
that he did; and that he was here, for a time only, to arrange his private
affairs. Of course, this stopped my proceeding further, in compliance with the
hint in your letter. I knew that the Chevalier Luzerne still retained the
character of minister to Congress, which occasioned my premising the question I
did. But, notwithsta nding the answer, which indeed was the only one the Count
de Vergennes could give me, I believe it is not 






        Correspondence         61



expected that the Chevalier will return to America: that he is waiting an
appointmen t here, to some of their embassies, or some other promotion, and in
the meantime, as a favor, is permitted to retain his former character. Knowing
the esteem borne him in America, I did not suppose it would be wished that I
should add anything which might occasion an injury to him; and the rather, as I
presumed that at this time, there did not exist the same reason for wishing the
arrival of a minister in America, which, perhaps, existed there at the date of
your letter. Count Adhemar is just arrived from London, on account of a
paralytic disease with which he has been struck. It does not seem improbable
that-his place will be supplied, and perhaps by the Chevalier de la Luzerne.



A French vessel has lately refused the salute to a British armed vessel in the
channel. The Chargé des Affaires of Great Britain, at this court, (their
ambassador having gone to London a few days ago,) made this the subject of a
conference with the Count de Vergennes, on Tuesday last. He told me that the
Count explained the transaction as the act of the individual master of the
French vessel, not founded in any public orders. His earnestnes s, and his
endeavors to find terms sufficiently soft to express the Count's explanation ,
had no tendency to lessen any doubts I might have entertained on this subject.
I think it possible the refusal may have been by order: nor can I believe that
Great Britain is in a 






62        Jefferson's Works



condition to resent it, if it was so. In this case, we shall see it repeated by
France; and her example will then be soon followed by other nations. The
news-write rs bring together this circumstan ce, with the departure of the
French ambassador from London, and the English ambassador from Paris, the
man€uvrin g of a French fleet just off the channel, the collecting some English
vessels of war in the channel, the failure of a commercial treaty between the
two countries, and a severe Arret here against English manufactur es, as
foreboding war. It is possible that the fleet of man€uvre, the refusal of the
salute, and the English fleet of observatio n, may have a connection with one
another. But I am persuaded the other facts are totally independen t of these,
and of one another, and are accidentall y brought together in point of time.
Neither nation is in a condition to go to war: Great Britain, indeed, the least
so of the two. The latter power, or rather, its monarch, as Elector of Hanover,
has lately confederat ed with the King of Prussia, and others of the Germanic
body, evidently in opposition to the Emperor's designs on Bavaria. An alliance,
too, between the Empress of Russia and the republic of Venice, seems to have
had him in view, as tie had meditated some exchange of territory with that
republic. This desertion of the powers heretofore thought friendly to him,
seems to leave no issue for his ambition, but on the side of Turkey. His
demarkatio n with that country is still unsettled, 






        Correspondence         63



His difference with the Dutch is certainly agreed. The articles are not yet
made public; perhaps not quite adjusted. Upon the whole, we may count on
another year's peace in Europe, and that our friends will not, within that
time, be brought into any embarrass ments, which might encourage Great Britain
to be difficult in settling the points still unsettled between us.



You have, doubtless, seen in the papers, that this court was sending two
vessels into the south sea, under the conduct of a Captain Peyrouse. They give
out, that the object is merely for the improveme nt of our knowledge of the
geography of that part of the globe. And certain it is, that they carry men of
eminence in different branches of science. Their loading, however, as detailed
in conversatio ns, and some other circumstan ces, appeared to me to indicate
some other design: perhaps that of colonizing on the western coast of America;
or, it may be, only to establish one or more factories there, for the fur
trade. Perhaps we may be little interested in either of these objects. But we
are interested in another, that is, to know whether they are perfectly weaned
from the desire of possessing continental colonies in America. Events might
arise, which would render it very desirable for Congress to be satisfied they
have no such wish. If they would desire a colony on the western side of
America, I should not be quite satisfied that they would refuse one which
should offer itself on the eastern side. 






64        Jefferson's Works



Captain Paul Jones being at L'Orient, within a day's journey of Brest, where
Captain Peyrouse's vessels lay, I desired him, if he could not satisfy himself
at L'Orient of the nature of this equipment, to go to Brest for that purpose:
conducting himself so as to excite no suspicion that we attended at all to this
expedition. His discretion can be relied on, and his expenses for so short a
journey, will be a trifling price for satisfaction on this point. I hope,
therefore, that my undertakin g that the expenses of his journey shall be
reimbursed him will not be disapprove d.



A gentleman, lately arrived from New York, tells me he thinks it will be
satisfactor y to Congress to be informed of the effect produced here by the
insult of Longchamp s on Monsieur de Marbois. Soon after my arrival in France
last summer, it was the matter of a conversatio n between the Count de
Vergennes and myself. I explained to him. the effect of the judgment against
Longchamp s. He did not say that it was satisfactor y, but neither did he say a
word from which I could collect that it was not so. The conversatio n was not
official, because foreign to the character in which I then was. He has never
mentioned a word on the subject to me since, and it was not for me to introduce
it at any time. I have never once heard it mentioned in conversatio n, by any
person of this country, and have no reason to suppose that there remains any
uneasiness on the subject. I have indeed been told, that they had 






        Correspondence         65



sent orders to make a formal demand of Longchamp s from Congress, and had
immediately counterman ded these orders. You know whether this be true. If it
be, I should suspect the first orders to have been surprised from them by some
exaggeratio n, and that the latter was a correction of their error, in the
moment of further reflection. Upon the whole, there certainly appears to me no
reason to urge the State, in which the fact happened, to any violation of their
laws, nor to set a precedent which might hereafter be used in cases more
interesting to us than the late one.



In a late conversatio n with the Count de Vergennes, he asked me if the
condition of our finances was improving. He did not make an application of the
question to the arrearages of their interest, though perhaps he meant that I
should apply it. I told him the impost still found obstacles, and explained to
him the effects which I hoped from our land office. Your letter of the 15th of
April, did not come to hand till the 27th ultimo. I enclose a letter from Mr.
Dumas to the President of Congress, and accompany the present with the Leyden
Gazette and Gazette of France, from the date last sent you to the present time.



I have the honor to be, with high esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.











         VOL.­5 






66        Jefferson's Works







        TO JOHN JAY.



                                                         PARIS, August 14,
1785.



SIR,­The letter of June 18th, signed by Dr. Franklin and myself, is the last
addressed to you from hence on the objects of the general commission. As
circumstan ces rendered it necessary that the signature of the Prussian treaty,
whenever it should be in readiness, should be made separately, the interventio
n of a person of confidence between the Prussian Plenipotent iary and us became
also requisite. His office would be to receive the duplicates of the treaty
here, signed by Dr. Franklin and myself, to carry them to London to Mr. Adams,
and to th